The Roma population in Greece does not constitute a homogenous group. There are notable differences between each community. Some of them are more integrated into society, while others remain in the outskirts of cities and Greek civilization. They self-identify as “Greek Tsiganoi/Athiganoi or Greek Roma”, terms that are politically correct compared to their former identification; Gypsies (Yiftoi), a derogatory term which carries negative connotations of dirty, evil and dark-skinned people. There are various Bulgarian, Romanian and Muslim groups who are even more isolated than Greek Roma.

According to David Close (2009) in his article: Divided Attitudes to Gypsies in Greece, many opinion surveys show that the Roma population are the ethnic group which occupies the last rank in the social structure of Greek society. They are situated even lower than Albanians, an ethnicity which has always been the primary recipient of racism in Greece. Many Roma in Greece have to struggle with the lack of access to adequate housing, to healthcare, to the job market, and to education. Their inhumane living conditions, much worse than those of any other vulnerable social group in Greece, lead to a lower life expectancy and higher levels of poverty. One thing that is worth mentioning is that the Greek government does not acknowledge the status of ethnic minorities, apart from the Muslim minority. Although the use of the term “minority group” is acceptable in Europe, Greek Roma do not feel this term represents them. Thus, they prefer the designation: “vulnerable social group”, members of Greek society, who are forgotten and mistreated.

There are many reasons responsible for the perpetuation of racism towards Roma. One of them is the misrepresentation they face. The Roma have been stigmatized and excluded from the socio-political context of Greek society. They are often accused of drug-trafficking, violence, child abductions and petty theft. The media and the press are equally to blame for cultivating this negative image of Roma, this negative “visibility” (a pertinent term borrowed fromElvira Krithari, 2018), and the increase of racist speech towards them. During my research for this article, I simply googled the situation of Roma in Greece. The results were deafening. The news spoke mainly about child abductions, Roma women who were victims of domestic violence, and so on.

The Greek Roma are fighting a battle against constant racist attitudes and hate speech. A significant number of Greek citizens express their hostility openly, in public, without any moral hesitation, towards Roma. They do not hesitate to comment on their dirtiness and impurity, their criminal nature and to blame them for choosing this lifestyle, along with their refusal to integrate into society.

Then, there is a more subtle form of racism, the denial of racism towards Roma. It can be read between the lines in everyday speech, for example “the certainty of Greeks that Roma people receive equal opportunities to them. Whether they use the opportunities offered to them, it’s their responsibility. The statement that often accompanies this rhetoric is that they refuse to educate their children and condemn them to an uneducated life, riddled with poverty, making them social pariahs”. The logic behind this statement is that since they do not fulfil their duties towards society, they should not expect to have the same rights as other social groups do. However, Roma parents understand the importance of education for their children. ( ERRC/GHM: 161). Another statement articulated in everyday speech is that “they passively receive help, such as welfare and health care. Still, they do not pay taxes or contribute in any other way to society. Even the jobs they have are illegal; they work in open-air markets called “laikes agores”, scavenge from rubbish dumps, manufacture metalware, and repair old furniture”

There are many racist incidents that are indicative of the negative portrayal of Roma in our collective conscience. A recent example that illustrates better the denial of racism manifested in Greek society is the case of a Roma settlement, in the city of Larissa, where 35 people were sick with COVID-19. The Roma did not trust the government and its health officials and refused to leave the settlement. Their reaction is understandable as it is unclear up to this point whether they were informed about the seriousness of COVID-19 by government officials and the precautions they should have taken. The situation escalated, and the police intervened. The sick people were transferred to the hospitals, and the Roma settlement remained in quarantine for 14 days.

The situation of Roma women is particularly challenging as their lack of access to proper healthcare leads to higher cases of unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases.

Dr. Moraitou, after conducting field research in the quality of healthcare provided to Roma women found out that 87.5% of them have lost one child, and many of them had to give birth without the presence of doctors, with only the help of midwives, in unsanitary conditions. Due to being ignored by health officials, 32.4% of them did not know the use of Papanikolaou test.

The questions being raised are whether there is a use for feminism in identifying identity and gender relations in Roma when they are struggling to cover their basic needs.

In this environment of fear and hostility, how can feminism help to improve the quality of life of Roma women? Roma women are caught between two worlds, in a battle between their ethnic identity and their gender identity. Many Roma women often misinterpret feminism as a condemnation of men and, by extension, their Roma identity. For Roma women, their sense of duty towards the community and their family is what makes them who they are. They must preserve this identity and not get corrupted by the “Others”. Their long history of persecution and forced sterilizations can explain this fear of assimilation and white people.

Roma women face violence and discrimination both from their ethnic group and from society. The women who find a sense of belonging in feminism, face the backlash of the community, with their identity and values as a “Roma” woman questioned. Apart from the intra-community oppression they face, there is also the matter of racism, when they reveal their ethnicity to the outside world. On the other hand, Roma scholars and activists argue for the incompatibility of white feminism with their reality. They feel that the feminist conversations articulated about them do not convey their needs, are elitist and unpragmatic. Romani feminists also think that they are excluded from feminist discourses and that the ones talking about them are other women, non-Romani “experts” in the field of Roma feminism.

In the words of Ethel C. Brooks, a Roma scholar talking about the Possibilities of Romani Feminism, “ We (the Roma) are a transnational minority and exist in the interstices of the nation-state, vulnerable to its shifts in war, legal structures, and border making — yet without any true recourse to the international as a way of redressing the discrimination, displacement, and, at some points, genocide, that we face.” Intersectional feminism is an approach that could change the way we view and talk about the rights and needs of Roma women, because it manages to capture their position between two cultures, two worlds. It is a tool which if used correctly, could help Roma women build new alliances and empowering them to make their own decisions and strengthen their activism. By doing so, they will discover a new version of solidarity, one drawn with their terms, inside and outside their community. The only way for feminist activists and policies which aim to improve the social status of Roma women is to change the discussion and adopt a new point of view, one that puts Roma women to the centre of the conversation, allowing them to participate in the decision making and the policies that concern them. It is unfathomable how the Greek government expects from Roma to be more favourable to the idea of integration when it refuses to sit down and discuss with them. We should aim to give back to them their power, allowing them to discover the value of their image and identity inside and outside their ethnic group (Munoz, n.d.).

Roma women have been disempowered for a very long time, their rights neglected, living as pariahs, facing racial discrimination when they dare to reveal their identity. The solution should come from the inside. Roma women should be included in creating a version of feminism that works for them, addressing the needs of their community. Feminist activists can focus on adopting a new, inclusive attitude where Roma women are not excluded from the discussion on their needs. We should understand the importance of being less judgmental, not overwhelming them with questions about their identity and gender equality. It is crucial to keep in mind when we talk about Roma feminism that their culture remains outside of Greek culture. If we manage to approach them by taking account of their “Otherness” and by not enforcing our own feminist beliefs on them, there is hope for change.

We should not view them as powerless and helpless but instead, encourage them to find their voice and contribute to the creation of a more egalitarian Roma community. Roma women have a value outside their ethnic and social identities. They are essential allies to our collective battle for the elimination of all systems of oppression, and they should be treated as such. Our concern should be to transform the negative “visibility” of Roma to a positive “visibility”, where they have rediscovered their humanity, as essential members of Greek society.

Sources:

Batsiotis, Lambros. (2014). “Balkan Roma immigrants in Greece: An initial approach to the traits of a migration flow”, International Journal of Language, Translation and Intercultural Communication, 2: 1–17.

Brooks Ethel C. (2012). “The Possibilities of Romani Feminism,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 38(1): 1–11.

Close, David. (2010). “Divided Attitudes to Gypsies in Greece”, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 14: 207–215.

Daskalaki, Ivi. (2003). “Greek-Gypsy identity and the relationship between Greek-Gypsies and the state”, 1st LSE PhD Symposium on Social Science Research on Greece 2003, 1–24, http://www.lse.ac.uk/europeaninstitute/research/hellenicobservatory/pdf/1st_symposium/daskalaki.pdf.

Ελληνική Δημοκρατία. (2009). «Έκθεση και προτάσεις για ζητήματα σχετικά µε την κατάσταση και τα δικαιώματα των Τσιγγάνων στην Ελλάδα», Εθνική Επιτροπή για τα Δικαιώματα του Ανθρώπου, Αθήνα, http://www.nchr.gr/images/pdf/apofaseis/roma/Apofasi_EEDA_Tsigganoi_2009_FINAL.pdf.

Gheorghe, Carmen. (2016). “Editorial: Envisioning Roma Feminism”, Analize — Journal of Gender and Feminist Studies, 7: 15–18.

Krithari, Elvira. (2018). ‘Roma In Greece: Another Story Of Invisibility’, Medium, https://medium.com/athenslivegr/roma-in-greece-another-story-of-invisibility-68fd91478832.

Ljungberg, Jasmine. (2018). “Lessons from Roma Feminism in Europe: Digital Storytelling Projects with Roma Women Activists from Romania, Spain and Sweden”, (Thesis), University of Gothenburg, 1–76.

Moraitou, M. (2010). “Health of Gypsy women in Greece”, Interscientific Health Care, 2(3): 122–131.

Munoz, Trinidad. (n.d.). “Gypsy Women in the 21st century: Crisis or Opportunity?”, Vidas Gitanas Lungo Drom, https://www.accioncultural.es/virtuales/vidasgitanas/pdf_eng/vidas_git_art3_mujeres_eng.pdf.

Theodosiou, Aspasia. (2011). “Multiculturalism and the catachresis of otherness: Settling Gypsies, unsettling Gypsy belongings”, Critique of Anthropology, 31(2): 89–107.

Disabled women and girls represent 16% of the European Union’s female population, but they remain invisible to society. According to UN Women, girls and women with disabilities face a higher risk of violence than those without disabilities. They are subjected to gender and disability stereotypes and have a higher risk of unemployment, which leads to poverty and social exclusion. In Greece, a study conducted by Magoulios (2012) showed that disabled women encounter more discriminations in the job market and their unemployment rate is higher than of men. They are perceived to be incapable of fulfilling the essential role that defines their gender, that of being a nurturer. This perception creates a sense of worthlessness for themselves. Unrealistic beauty stereotypes exacerbate their feelings of self-deprecation.

More precisely, disabled people in Greece are excluded from public life due to the lack of infrastructure designed for disabled people. An advocate for the rights of the disabled population in Greece states in a Vice interview by Korina Petridh (2020) that the quarantine didn’t change the lives of disabled people. Takis Alexandrakis continues by saying that the disabled people in Greece were already living a life in “quarantine”. They are forced to a life of invisibility and social exclusion, a result of the inadequate infrastructure and having to protect their fragile health without any substantial government help. It is a sad reality that in Greece, many disabled people are confined to the safety of their houses.

Public spaces and means of transportation, except for the subway system, are inaccessible to disabled people. There are no access ramps for wheelchairs and the tactile tiles designed to assist visually impaired people are often inaccessible or hidden under parked cars or outdoor seating. As reported by ΚΑΠΑ RESEARCH, in a research conducted on behalf of the National Confederation of Disabled People (Ε.Σ.Α.μεΑ.), 3 out of 4 disabled people are unable to move in public spaces, or they move with great difficulty. Furthermore, 71.8% of disabled people find the use of public transportation challenging and 88.2% of them attribute their low quality of life to the absence of infrastructure built to accommodate disabled individuals. It is alarming that Greece is one of the European countries whose citizens haven’t been educated about the concept of disabled people receiving equal opportunities and enjoying the same rights as the able-bodied. A recent example of public ignorance, hate and discrimination is the vandalism of a chair, located on a beach of the island of Kefalonia, specifically designed to allow people using wheelchairs to swim in the sea.

In Greece, disabled women and girls experience multiple forms of discrimination and have to battle various stereotypes. It is difficult for the able-bodied to comprehend that women with “damaged” or “unattractive” bodies have sexual desires and can function as sexual beings. They are largely considered asexual beings . This particular stereotype is extremely hurtful for disabled women as it leads to feelings of inadequacy and makes them question their gender identity. They also face discrimination in maintaining romantic relationships, and it’s difficult for them to get married. As their access to employment is limited, and the lack of public infrastructure does not allow them to lead satisfying social lives, their main concern and aspiration is to have a “normal” woman’s life, by being able to get married and give birth. By maintaining these traditional Greek female roles, they can experience a sense of fulfilment, normalcy, and establish their value as visible human beings.

Disabled women in Greece are subjected to a double oppression ( Mays, 2006: Serra 2015); the first is sexism cultivated by the patriarchal society and the second is ableism expressed by both able-bodied men and women, who are simultaneously victims and perpetrators of the standardized internalized misogynistic speech. This unpleasant situation is responsible for causing them feelings of extreme vulnerability and helplessness, for making them question not only their value as humans but their gender identity, their “womaness”. They are not only invisible to able-bodied men but to women, who are supposed to be their allies. Moreover, disabled women tend to find themselves excluded from studies and research that concern them. They cannot participate in economic, social and political life. The fact that their needs are often underrepresented or misunderstood by feminist activists only adds to their frustration.

The obsession of Greek society with the appearance and unattainable beauty standards adds to the oppression of disabled women and girls experience. The current status quo is extremely hostile towards disabled women and condemns them to a life of social exclusion. Garland-Thomson, in her report: “Re-shaping, Re-thinking, Re-defining” (2001) for the the Center for Women Policy Studies, states that “beauty has been framed as an aesthetic quality”. The inability of disabled women to conform to those traditional beauty ideals makes them feel inadequate and unlucky. The unrealistic beauty standards and the stigmatization of their sick body impact their self-image negatively, as these factors are interrelated (Begum: 1992). In a society that favours beauty, good health and youth, women who do not fall into all these categories are ignored. Societal norms about beauty define not only disabled women’s happiness but are also a high factor of anxiety and stress for able-bodied women.

Another obstacle disabled women need to overcome is the violence inflicted upon them. It is infuriating that women with disabilities are three to five times more likely to be victims of violence than able-bodied women (André Félix, European Disability Forum,2020 ). Research conducted in the US has shown that the perpetrators are often current or former romantic partners (Young et al, p .78). Unfortunately, the majority of cases continue to be underreported in Greece as there is not enough data. Very few cases of able-bodied women who are victims of domestic violence sue their husbands, relatives or even dare to ask for help. In a society where domestic violence is an affair that should be settled between the members of the family, without the intervention of the police, it is no wonder that the number of disabled women reporting their relatives or husbands is even lower. Multiple factors are responsible for this grim reality: the economic dependence of disabled women on their romantic partners or their family; for some their total reliance on them to satisfy their daily needs; their social isolation, and the lack of shelters and services available to assist them. Since disabled women do not form a homogenous group and their needs are diverse( according to their gender, race, class, ethnicity, religion and sexual orientation) the available services are not equipped to offer the appropriate help. If we add to the equation, the fact that disabled people are expected to hide their pain and that disability in Greek society is a private matter, one can understand the everyday struggle of disabled and abused women.

If we are honest about wanting to change the current invisible status of disabled women in Greek society, we should acknowledge the need for a more comprehensive approach, redefining disability as a social construction and not a limitation of physical functioning. The sporadic measures implemented until now are inefficient and are only short-term solutions.

First, as Morris states (1993) it is necessary for non-disabled researchers to start questioning their attitude toward disability. The current research perpetuates stereotypes about disabled women, reinforcing their marginalization. Mays (2006) adds that studies focus on the traits of individual women and pathologize the nature of violence against disabled women. By choosing to approach disability as a disadvantage and weakness, we deny disabled women their power to contribute to society . Able-bodied activists and feminists need to construct a better understanding of disabled women’s subjective reality and make an effort not to approach the discussion with prejudices about their weakness and helplessness. Morris (1993) believes that the input of disabled women can inform the viewpoint of able-bodied researchers and is an important step that will advance their case of social integration.

Next, in Feminist Disabilities Studies, disability is a socially constructed identity. It should not be perceived as a medical problem, a personal issue that should be cured or fixed, a misfortune ( Wendell, 1989; Garland-Thomson, 2001). Feminist Disabilities Studies examines the “politics of appearance, the medicalization of the body, the privilege of normalcy, multiculturalism, sexuality, the social construction of identity, and the commitment to integration” ( Garland-Thomson, 2002, p. 4). The integration of the concept of disability into feminist theory challenges its limits, its perception about disabled women and creates more inclusive feminism. Disability is viewed as another form of social oppression that subjugates women, creates social inequalities and values women by judging their bodies ( Garland-Thomson, 2005). Society should be more concerned about redefining our attitudes towards disabled women. If we think of ourselves as ‘temporarily able-bodied’, a term coined by Garland-Thomson (2001), we would be able to comprehend the necessity of questioning and revising the existing cultural narratives on disability; narratives of prejudice, oppression and disempowerment. We ought to shift the focus from the individual perspective of disability to the collective, making the personal political. We should aim to redefine disability as a social justice model, where the members of society have a responsibility to improve the accessibility and inclusion of disabled people in the public sphere. The medical model, where disability is treated as the individual’s burden is anachronistic and highly dysfunctional, and it is time for Greek feminists to take a stance against the multi-level oppression disabled women experience.

Sources:

Anca, Gunta. (2018, Aug. 23). “Are Women with Disabilities Second Class Citizens?” The Parliament Magazine, www.theparliamentmagazine.eu/articles/opinion/are-women-disabilities-second-class-citizens.

Arroyo, Carmen and Thampoe, Emily. (2020, June 24). ‘Children and women with disabilities, more likely to face discrimination’, Inter Press Service | News and Views from the Global South. https://www.ipsnews.net/2018/08/children-women-disabilities-likely-face-discrimination/

Begum, Nasa. (1992). ‘Disabled Women and the Feminist Agenda’, Feminist Review, 40: 70–84.

Garland-Thomson, Rosemarie. (2005). ‘Feminist Disability Studies’, Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 30(2): 1557–1587.

(2002). ‘Integrating Disability, Transforming Feminist Theory’, NWSA Journal, 14(3): 1–32.

(2001). ‘Re-shaping, Re-thinking, Re-defining’, Center for Women Policy Studies, 1–24.

ΚΑΠΑ RESEARCH. (2013). ‘Έρευνα της ΚΑΠΑ RESEARCH για τα άτομα με αναπηρία’, Εθνική Συνομοσπονδία Ατόμων με Αναπηρία, https://www.esamea.gr/projects-tenders/studies/483-ereyna-tis-kapa-research-gia-ta-atoma-me-anapiria-2013.

Kontou, Irene. (2018, June 9). ‘Μια χώρα για τους αρτιμελείς’ Το Μωβ,, https://tomov.gr/2018/06/09/mia-chora-gia-artimeleis/.

Magoulios, George N. and Trichopoulou, Anna. (2012). ‘Employment Status for People with Disabilites in Greece’, South-Eastern Europe Journal of Economics, 1: 25–40.

Mays, Jennifer M. (2006). ‘Feminist disability theory: domestic violence against women with a disability’, Disability & Society, 21(2): 147–158.

Morris, Jenny. (1993). ‘Feminism and Disability’, Feminist Review, 43: 57–70.

Petridi, ​Marina (2020, May 15). “Ζούμε Έτσι κι Αλλιώς σε Απομόνωση” — H Καραντίνα Δεν Τελείωσε για τους Ανάπηρους. https://www.vice.com/gr/article/8899n5/h-karantina-den-teleiwse-gia-toys-anaphroys.

Serra, Maria Laura. (2015). ‘Feminism and Women with Disabilities’, The Age of Human Rights Journal, 5: 98–119.

Wendell, Susan. (1989). ‘Toward a Feminist Theory of Disability’, Hypatia, 4(2), 105–124.

Young, M.E., et.al. (1997). ‘Prevalence of abuse of women with physical disabilities’, Archives of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation, 78: S34-S38.