The US expects Iranian responses on several key points in the next 48 hours, according to the report which cautioned that nothing has been agreed yet but said this was the closest the parties had been to an agreement since the war began.

Among other provisions, the deal would involve Iran committing to a moratorium on nuclear enrichment, the US agreeing to lift its sanctions and release billions in frozen Iranian funds, and both sides lifting restrictions around transit through the Strait of Hormuz, Axios said.

The one-page, 14-point memorandum of understanding is being negotiated between US envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner and several Iranian officials, both directly and through mediators, the report said.

In its current form, the memorandum would declare an end to the war in the region and the start of a 30-day period of negotiations on a detailed agreement to open the strait, limit Iran's nuclear programme and lift US sanctions, Axios added.

Iran's restrictions on shipping through the strait and the US naval blockade would be gradually lifted during that 30-day period, Axios said, citing one US official who added that if the negotiations collapse, US forces would be able to restore the blockade or resume military action.

Iran said earlier on Wednesday it would accept a peace deal only if it was "fair", after US President Donald Trump paused a three-day-old naval mission tasked with reopening the Strait of Hormuz that had shaken the war's month-old ceasefire.

Reuters could not immediately verify the report. The US State Department and White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

US stock index futures extended gains following the Axios report. 

US President Donald Trump announced the pause, citing a desire to reach a peace deal with Iran.

Despite clashes in the strait in recent days, Trump said "great progress has been made" towards a deal and that the ship-guiding operation "will be paused for a short period of time to see whether or not the agreement can be finalised and signed".

The announcement came after Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the United States had completed its offensive operations against Iran, although he vowed to unleash a "devastating" response to any new attacks by the Iranians on shipping in the narrow waterway.

Despite pausing the ship escorts, Trump said a US blockade of Iranian ports "will remain in full force".

The dispute over shipping through Hormuz, as well as Iran's nuclear programme, is at the heart of deadlocked talks between Washington and Tehran following two months of war, which began with US-Israeli attacks in late February.

Iran says it will only accept "a fair and comprehensive agreement" in its negotiations with the US on ending the war in the Middle East, its foreign minister announced on Wednesday.

"We will do our best to protect our legitimate rights and interests in the negotiations," Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said in Beijing after a meeting with China's top diplomat Wang Yi, Iranian media reported. "We only accept a fair and comprehensive agreement."

He did not directly address Trump's offer of a pause in the US operation to escort ships through the Strait of Hormuz, which was earlier presented as an incentive to help reach an agreement between the two sides.

Araghchi arrived in the Chinese capital early Wednesday for meetings with senior officials, amid growing diplomatic activity surrounding the US-Israeli war on Iran and the crisis in the Strait of Hormuz.

During the meeting, Araghchi thanked Beijing for condemning what he described as the "aggression" against Iran, describing China as a "close friend" of Tehran, according to Iran's ISNA news agency.

"The war launched against Iran was a blatant act of aggression and a violation of international law," Araghchi said. "We are doing everything in our power to preserve our rights and legitimate interests in the negotiations."

He added that cooperation between Tehran and Beijing would continue to deepen under the current circumstances.

Wang, meanwhile, described the US-Israeli war on Iran as "illegitimate" and stressed the need for a comprehensive ceasefire and direct dialogue between the parties involved.

"We believe that a comprehensive ceasefire is urgently needed, that a resumption of hostilities is not acceptable, and that it is particularly important to remain committed to dialogue and negotiations," Wang said, according to remarks carried by Chinese state media.

The Chinese foreign minister also warned that the region was at a "critical turning point" and called for direct meetings to help reduce tensions.

Araghchi's visit comes ahead of an expected trip by US President Donald Trump to China on 14 and 15 May, and at a time when Beijing remains one of the main importers of Iranian oil despite increasing Western pressure.

The trip also coincides with discussions at the UN Security Council over a proposed resolution concerning freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, with Washington reportedly seeking to persuade China and Russia not to veto the measure.

Earlier on Wednesday, Trump announced a temporary suspension of "Project Freedom", the US-led naval operation launched on Monday to reopen the Strait of Hormuz after Iran effectively shut it down during the conflict.

In a post on Truth Social, Trump said the pause followed an agreement with Tehran and was intended to determine whether a broader deal to end the war could be reached.

"We reached a mutual agreement that while the blockade remains in full force and effect, 'Project Freedom' will be paused briefly to determine whether it is possible to conclude and sign the agreement," Trump wrote.

He added that the pause came "at the request of Pakistan and several other countries", citing what he described as major military successes against Iran and progress toward a "comprehensive and final agreement" with Iranian representatives.

The Strait of Hormuz, through which around one-fifth of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas supplies pass, has become a key pressure point in the nine-week conflict between Washington and Tehran.

Shipping traffic through the strategic waterway has fallen dramatically from around 135 vessels per day before the war to near zero, with only two US-flagged tankers reportedly crossing under American naval protection.

Other commercial vessels have largely avoided the area amid fears of being caught in crossfire between the two sides.

The reserve of around 1 billion litres (264 million gallons) will ensure Australia holds at least 50 days of fuel onshore to shield the country from future supply shocks, Albanese said.

Australia imports about ​80 percent of its fuel and has experienced localised shortages since the start of the conflict in the Middle East.

The A$10 billion fuel security package would be the centrepiece in the centre-left government's budget next week, Albanese said.

"This is aimed at making sure Australians can have more confidence in protecting our energy sovereignty not just during this crisis but going forward as well, protecting our nation's energy interests," he told a press conference.

The fuel reserve will cost A$3.2 billion. Australia's minimum stockholding obligation requiring importers and refiners to hold roughly 30 days of fuel will also be lifted by 10 days, costing A$34.7 million.

"Our fuel security reserve will focus on regional stockouts and supply constraints for essential users in the event of another supply crisis," Albanese said.

Additionally, A$7.5 billion in funding will go towards increasing stockpiles of fuel and fertiliser through providing loans, equity, guarantees, insurance and price support.

Energy Minister Chris Bowen said Australia was one of the few countries in the International Energy Agency which did not have a government-owned fuel reserve.

"We will now have a government-owned fuel reserve of around a billion litres to add to those minimum stocks that the private sector must hold, particularly focused on diesel and jet fuel," he said.

"This is a big change in our approach as a country and a good one."

Despite an uptick in military activity in recent days, Trump said "great progress has been made" toward a deal with Tehran and that the ship-guiding operation "will be paused for a short period of time to see whether or not the Agreement can be finalised and signed."

The announcement came hours after Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the United States had completed its offensive operations against Iran, while withholding the right to unleash a "devastating" response to any new attacks on shipping in the narrow shipping lanes.

Rubio echoed Washington's top military officer who earlier in the day said that US forces were ready to resume combat operations if ordered.

And Trump added that the blockade of Iranian ports "will remain in full force and effect."

As these announcements were made in Washington, Iranian media reported that Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi arrived in Beijing, where he will on Wednesday meet his Chinese counterpart, Wang Yi.

The US military escorts over the last day and a half - dubbed "Project Freedom" by Trump - drew Iranian attacks, threatening an already fragile ceasefire.

Iran's Revolutionary Guards navy warned of a "firm response" if ships deviated from its approved route through the strait, as the country's chief negotiator said Tehran "had not even started yet," following a spate of attacks in the crucial trade route.

The United Arab Emirates announced it was intercepting a barrage of missiles and drones from Iran for a second day - a claim Tehran "categorically" denied.

"The armed forces...did not launch any missile or drone operation," Iran's Khatam al-Anbiya command said.

Iran fired missiles and drones at US forces on Monday, while Washington said it struck six Iranian boats it accused of threatening commercial shipping, in the sharpest escalation since a month-long truce.

US Central Command remains "ready to resume major combat operations...if ordered," General Dan Caine told reporters.

"No adversary should mistake our current restraint with a lack of resolve."

Trump earlier Tuesday urged Iran to "do the smart thing" and make a deal, saying he did not want to kill more Iranians even as the ceasefire teetered.

Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth had said the United States was "not looking for a fight" but warned attacks would face "overwhelming and devastating" force.

'Malign presence'

Iran's parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf said the status quo was "intolerable," warning the US "malign presence will diminish" as Tehran vowed to retain control of Hormuz.

Monday's exchange of fire came as the rivals enforced dueling maritime blockades following Trump's plan to guide ships out of the Gulf.

The war, sparked more than two months ago by US-Israeli strikes, has battered the global economy despite a weeks-long ceasefire.

Israel's air force chief Omer Tischler said the military was ready to "deploy the entire air force eastward if required."

Military chief Eyal Zamir added that Israel's army remained on "high alert" and ready to respond to threats in the Gulf.

Iran denied any naval losses but accused Washington of killing five civilians aboard boats.

Despite tensions, Danish freight giant Maersk said one of its ships had transited Hormuz under US escort.

The UAE called the attacks "a dangerous escalation," while Saudi Arabia urged efforts toward a political solution.

Rubio accused Iran of "holding the world's economy hostage" through threats to shipping and the laying of sea mines, and said Washington and Gulf allies had drafted a UN Security Council resolution demanding Tehran halt attacks and disclose the location of mines.

The proposed measure would also require Iran to end efforts to charge tolls in the strait and support a humanitarian corridor, with a vote expected in the coming days, Rubio said.

European and US stocks advanced Tuesday while fears that the ceasefire could fall apart weighed on Asian equities.

Talks remain deadlocked, with only one round of direct negotiations so far.

Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian said Tehran remained open to dialogue, but rejected US "maximum pressure" demands as "impossible."

Elevated energy costs are adding to economic strain and creating a political headache for Trump ahead of midterm elections.

European allies warned prolonged disruption would hit their economies.

"These attacks are unacceptable," EU chief Ursula von der Leyen said on X, warning that Gulf security has "direct consequences for Europe."

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz urged Iran to return to talks, echoing calls from the leaders of France and Britain.

The Syrian interior ministry said that it had conducted a "series of simultaneous security operations" in the Damascus countryside, Aleppo, Homs, Tartus and Latakia provinces.

It said the operations led to the "dismantling of an organised cell affiliated with the Hezbollah militia, whose members infiltrated Syrian territory after receiving intensive specialised training in Lebanon".

Preliminary investigations revealed that the cell was planning "targeted assassinations against high-level government officials", the ministry statement said, adding that they seized military equipment including explosive devices and RPG launchers, among other weapons.

It published the pictures of 11 suspects, without specifying their nationalities, saying they included the official responsible for plotting and overseeing assassinations.

Hezbollah meanwhile issued a statement "categorically denying the false accusations from the Syrian interior ministry".

"The repetition of these claims by Syrian security authorities despite our repeated declarations that Hezbollah has no presence inside Syrian territory... raises major questions," the Iran-backed group said.

It added that it "suggests that there are those who seek to ignite tensions and strife between the Syrian and Lebanese peoples".

Hezbollah was a key backer of longtime president Bashar al-Assad, playing a vital role in tipping the civil war in his favour in the years before he was ousted in December 2024.

Prior to that, Syria was a key conduit for the transfer of weapons from Iran to the Lebanese group.

Since Assad was toppled, Syria's new authorities have repeatedly announced the foiling of plots to disrupt security that they have blamed on Hezbollah, which the group has denied.

Fresh exchanges of fire on Monday underscored the stakes as the US and Iran struggle for control of the narrow waterway, a vital artery for global energy and trade, shaking a fragile four-week-old truce and reinforcing rival maritime blockades.

A statement from US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the resolution, also drafted by Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, and Qatar, would require Iran "to cease attacks, mining, and tolling" and demands that Iran disclose the number and location of the sea mines it has laid and cooperate with efforts to remove them.

Rubio said it would also require Iran to support the establishment of a humanitarian corridor.

"The United States looks forward to this resolution being voted on  in the coming days and to receiving support from Security Council members," he said.

An earlier Bahraini resolution that was backed by the United States and appeared to open a path to legitimise its military action against Iran failed after Russia and China blocked it.

The US diplomatic push at the United Nations is in stark contrast to recent months during which it has largely acted outside the UN framework, launching military strikes against Iran without seeking council authorisation and pressing allies to join ad hoc naval patrols to enforce freedom of navigation.

That approach drew resistance from partners wary of open-ended conflict and legal exposure, prompting sharp criticism from US President Donald Trump against countries he accused of failing to align with US-led efforts.

Monday's escalation, in which the US said it destroyed six Iranian small boats and Iranian missiles hit a UAE oil port, followed Washington's launch of "Project Freedom", a US-led effort to move stranded tankers and other vessels through Hormuz.

Against that backdrop, the draft resolution forms part of what the diplomats described as a strategy to pressure Iran diplomatically and plan for a post-conflict situation.

Washington has also circulated a proposal, seen by Reuters, to partners for a new multinational maritime coalition, the Maritime Freedom Construct (MFC), aimed at establishing a post-conflict security architecture for the Middle East and reopening the strait once conditions stabilise.

Resolution could authorise sanctions, force

The new draft takes a more cautious approach than the original Bahraini draft in March, avoiding explicit language authorising force while still operating under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, which allows the Security Council to impose measures ranging from sanctions to military action.

It condemns Iran's alleged violations of the ceasefire and its "continuing actions and threats aimed at closing, obstructing, tolling, or otherwise interfering with the lawful exercise of navigational rights and freedoms through the Strait of Hormuz", including the laying of sea mines.

It describes those actions as a threat to international peace and security and demands Iran immediately cease attacks, disclose the locations of any mines and not impede clearance operations.

The text also calls on Tehran to cooperate with UN efforts to establish a humanitarian corridor through the strait, citing the disruption of aid deliveries, fertiliser shipments and other essential goods.

The UN secretary-general would report back within 30 days on compliance with the measures. The Security Council would reconvene to consider additional steps, including possible sanctions, if Iran failed to implement the resolution.

Diplomats said Washington hopes to close negotiations quickly, with the aim of circulating a final draft by 8 May and holding a vote early next week, although Russia and China still have a competing text under consideration.

Asked if the resolution could avoid another Chinese veto, a spokesperson for China's UN mission said: "The draft was circulated yesterday in the afternoon. We are still doing our assessment."

Russia's UN mission did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said it was not his place to comment on drafts, but added at a regular briefing: "Obviously we want to see this international waterway open, open safely, and a restoration of the freedom of navigation that is so critical to the world."

US seeks Hormuz coordination with Franco-British mission

The Security Council push is being pursued alongside diplomatic outreach on the MFC, a US-led coordination body that would work with a separate Franco-British maritime mission involving around 30 countries.

The Franco-British initiative seeks to lay the groundwork for safe transit through the strait once the situation stabilises or the conflict is resolved, with Iranian coordination.

Some states have signalled any mission would require a UN mandate before committing military assets.

"The MFC is complementary to other maritime security task forces, including the maritime planning effort the UK and France are leading," according to an informal diplomatic document sent to governments and seen by Reuters.

"The MFC will remain structurally independent, though close coordination is essential to achieve the strongest maritime security architecture possible."

The US ambassador to the Holy See said Rubio and the pope would have "frank" discussions.

"Nations have disagreements, and I think one of the ways that you work through those is ... through fraternity and authentic dialogue," Ambassador Brian Burch said.

He added that Rubio and the pope would "have a frank conversation about US policy, to engage in dialogue."

Later in Washington, Rubio told reporters at the White House that he expected a discussion with Pope Leo on issues that would cover Cuba and concerns over religious freedom around the world.

"There's a lot to talk about with the Vatican," Rubio said. "The pope is obviously the vicar of Christ, is a Roman Catholic, but he's also the head of a nation state."

"We work with the Catholic Church on the distribution of humanitarian aid in Cuba. We share with the Catholic Church a concern about the destruction of religious liberty, the persecution of Christian minorities, and also, you know, the challenges that are being faced by Christians in Africa," he said.

Trump has repeatedly disparaged the first US-born pope in recent weeks, drawing a backlash from Christian leaders across the political spectrum.

On Monday, Trump told right-wing radio talk show host Hugh Hewitt that "the Pope would rather talk about the fact that it's okay for Iran to have a nuclear weapon, and I don't think that's very good."

Leo has never said Iran should have nuclear weapons, but he has opposed the war which Trump says is aimed at ending Iran's nuclear programme.

Tehran, which does not have nuclear weapons, denies seeking ⁠them ​but says it has the right to develop ​nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, including enrichment, as a party to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. The US is nuclear-armed.

Responding to Trump's attack, Leo said he wanted to spread the Christian message by speaking about peace but that people were free to criticise him.

"The mission of the Church is to preach the Gospel, to preach peace," said the pope. "If someone wants to criticise me for preaching the Gospel ... I hope simply to be listened to because of the value of God's words."

Leo also firmly rejected the idea that he supported nuclear weapons, which the Catholic Church teaches are immoral. "The Church has spoken out for years against all nuclear arms, on that there is no doubt," he said.

Rubio will 'talk through' differences with pope

Rubio is Catholic, as is Vice President JD Vance. The two met Leo a year ago after attending his inaugural mass.

Burch was asked after an event hosted by his embassy at Rome's Gregorian University on Tuesday if Rubio was hoping to repair Trump's relationship with Leo.

"I don't accept the idea that somehow there's some deep rift," the ambassador responded. Rubio is coming, Burch said, so the US and the Vatican can "better understand each other, and to work through, if there are differences, certainly to talk through that".

Rubio is also set to meet on Friday with Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, who has defended the pope. Her defence minister has said the war in Iran puts US leadership at risk.

Leo, who on Friday marks his first anniversary as leader of the 1.4-billion-member Catholic Church, maintained a relatively low profile on the global stage in the first months of his papacy but has emerged in recent weeks as a firm critic of the war on Iran.

The pope has also sharply criticised the Trump administration's hardline anti-immigration policies. And he has called for dialogue between the US and Catholic-majority Cuba, which has suffered frequent blackouts owing to US sanctions intended to put pressure on its one-party Communist government.

Tunisian authorities have temporarily banned the local branch of prominent international NGO Avocats Sans Frontieres, the branch said on Tuesday, days after another leading group was targeted by a similar measure.

The rights group told AFP they received a 30-day suspension but did not provide details on the reasons behind the decision.

In a statement, ASF in Tunisia condemned the ban as "an unjustified infringement on the freedom of civil action and a clear targeting of independent spaces that strive to serve the public good and promote the values of solidarity, justice and the rule of law".

"The organisation maintains its full right to defend itself and to... appeal this decision."

The temporary suspension came 10 days after the Tunisian League for Human Rights (LTDH) - the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize winner along with three other groups - also had its operations suspended for a month.

Tunisia emerged from the Arab Spring as a democracy, but elected President Kais Saied staged a sweeping power grab in 2021 and rights groups have since criticised a major rollback of freedoms.

Saied has accused NGOs of receiving suspicious funds in "huge sums" from abroad, which he has called "blatant interference" in Tunisian affairs.

By autumn last year, at least 17 NGOs had received month-long suspension orders.

They included two of the country's best-known organisations, the Tunisian Forum for Social and Economic Rights (FTDES) and the Association of Democratic Women (ATFD).

European Commission head Ursula von der Leyen and European Council president Antonio Costa held talks with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in the capital, resulting in several deals and pledges.

"With this summit, we take a leap forward in a new level of cooperation," von der Leyen said at the gathering - the first of its kind.

Relations between Yerevan and its traditional ally Moscow have become strained in recent years, in part because Russian peacekeepers failed to intervene during military conflicts with neighbouring Azerbaijan.

Under Pashinyan, Armenia has formally pursued a strategy of what he calls "diversification", in which the landlocked country pursues ties with both Russia and the West.

But analysts argue that really amounts to a tilt towards Brussels, given the country is currently a member of the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union and the Moscow-led CSTO security alliance, although it froze its membership of the latter in 2024.

"If we are accepted into the EU, we will be happy and satisfied," Pashinyan said Tuesday, adding that Yerevan was working towards meeting the bloc's strict membership standards.

In another sign of its westward turn, the Armenian capital on Monday hosted more than 40 European leaders, including Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky and NATO chief Mark Rutte, for a meeting of the European Political Community (EPC).

The EU summit coincided with a state visit by French President Emmanuel Macron, whose country is home to Europe's largest Armenian community and who received a hearty welcome in Yerevan.

"I believe deeply that Armenia's calling lies in Europe," Macron told a forum in Yerevan Tuesday.

"Europe is the most natural partner for Armenia and the South Caucasus at this period in time," he said.

'Regional hub'

The nation of three million people between Europe and Asia signed a comprehensive partnership agreement with the European Union in 2017, deepening its cooperation in trade and other areas.

Last year, it adopted a law formally declaring its intention to apply for EU membership and is seeking to secure better visa access to the 27-nation bloc for its people.

On Tuesday it signed a "connectivity partnership" to strengthen transport, energy, and digital links with Brussels.

The EU also urged European firms to invest in the country, underscoring the fresh opportunities created by a peace process with neighbouring Azerbaijan.

"We have never before heard such a call, such a message," Pashinyan said, noting Armenia was previously seen as "a high-risk destination for investment".

The arch-foes have fought two wars over the Karabakh region in recent years. Azerbaijan finally seized the mountainous territory in a lightning offensive in 2023, ending three decades of rule by Armenian separatists.

A reset in ties was fostered last year by a deal brokered by the United States, which has been playing a larger role in the region, with Vice President JD Vance visiting Armenia earlier this year.

"Armenia sits on the shortest route between Central Asia, the Caspian Sea and Europe and in the past, because of war and geopolitics, this route was closed, but now you are changing this," von der Leyen told Pashinyan.

"Armenia can become a regional hub for new global trade routes, particularly in the crucial area of critical raw materials. And Europe is ready to support you."

Russian President Vladimir Putin has declared himself "completely calm" about Armenia's overtures to Europe, but also warned that belonging to both the EU and the Eurasian Economic Union was "simply impossible".

In April, the EU established a mission to help Yerevan tackle foreign interference, with Russia suspected of a disinformation push ahead of elections in June.

Opinion polls show most Armenians are in favour of European integration, while support for Russia has plummeted. But many are sceptical about whether joining the EU is realistic and worried about further provoking Moscow.

Christophe Gleizes, 37, was sentenced to seven years in jail in June last year for "glorifying terrorism".

An appeals court upheld that decision in December, and his lawyers initially sought a new trial with the country's highest court.

Gleizes's mother, Sylvie Godard, also wrote a letter to Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune asking him to pardon her son.

Godard said Tuesday her son had now withdrawn his appeal.

"He is placing himself entirely at the mercy of President (Abdelmadjid) Tebboune so that he may show clemency," she told journalists.

Relations between France and its former colony became rocky after Paris in 2024 officially backed Moroccan sovereignty over the disputed Western Sahara region, where Algeria supports the pro-independence Polisario Front.

But France and Algeria agreed in February to restart security cooperation as French Interior Minister Laurent Nunez visited Algiers, marking the first sign of a thaw in diplomatic ties.

Gleizes was arrested in May 2024 while travelling to northeastern Algeria's Kabylia region to write about the country's most decorated football club, Jeunesse Sportive de Kabylie.

He was accused of having been in contact with a local football figure prominent in the Movement for the Self-Determination of Kabylie (MAK), a foreign-based group that Algiers has designated as "terrorist".

Gleizes said at an appeals hearing he did not know the MAK had been listed as a terrorist group.

Tebboune last year pardoned French-Algerian novelist Boualem Sansal after a year-long imprisonment in Algeria, following comments the writer made on Western Sahara.

The pair, Mustafa Karasu and Sozdar Avesta, speaking in Kurdish and Turkish on camera from an unidentified location, urged the government to "take the necessary legislative measures to ensure smooth progress", in comments published by the pro-PKK Firat news agency.

Recent statements made by Turkish officials claiming that the process is moving forward unhindered "do not reflect the current situation", they argued.

According to them, the PKK has "fulfilled its part beyond expectations".

Last year, the PKK formally renounced its armed struggle against the Turkish state after four decades of violence that killed at least 50,000 people on both sides.

The two PKK leaders also referred to the fate of jailed PKK founder Abdullah Ocalan, who has led efforts to end the conflict from his cell on Imrali island where he has been held in solitary confinement since 1999.

They said: "We will only be able to talk about progress once the status of Leader Apo (Abdullah Ocalan) has been determined and he is granted the conditions allowing him to work freely."

They called for the 77-year-old to be granted a "clearly established legal and political status" that would allow him to participate "fully" in negotiations with the Turkish state.

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's main ally Devlet Bahceli - from the nationalist MHP party - also called on Tuesday for "discussions" over the fate of Ocalan.

Bahceli said: "The process cannot proceed healthily" unless the PKK leader has a "defined role", in an address to his party members in the parliament.

When Turkish politicians first extended an olive branch to Ocalan in October 2024, it came with a reference to the "right to hope" - shorthand for a possible early release.

Fresh exchanges of fire on Monday underscored the stakes as the US and Iran struggle for control of the narrow waterway, a vital artery for global energy and trade, shaking a fragile four-week-old truce and reinforcing rival maritime blockades.

The US diplomatic push at the United Nations is in stark contrast to recent months during which it has largely acted outside the UN framework, launching military strikes against Iran without seeking council authorisation and pressing allies to join ad hoc naval patrols to enforce freedom of navigation.

That approach drew resistance from partners wary of open-ended conflict and legal exposure, prompting sharp criticism from US President Donald Trump against countries he accused of failing to align with US-led efforts.

Monday's escalation, in which the US said it destroyed six Iranian small boats and Iranian missiles hit a UAE oil port, followed Washington's launch of "Project Freedom", a US-led effort to move stranded tankers and other vessels through Hormuz.

Against that backdrop, the draft resolution forms part of what the diplomats described as a strategy to pressure Iran diplomatically and plan for a post-conflict situation.

Washington has also circulated a proposal, seen by Reuters, to partners for a new multinational maritime coalition, the Maritime Freedom Construct (MFC), aimed at establishing a post-conflict security architecture for the Middle East and reopening the Strait once conditions stabilise.

Resolution could authorise sanctions, force

An earlier Bahraini resolution that was backed by the United States and appeared to open a path to legitimise its military action against Iran failed after Russia and China blocked it.

The new draft takes a more cautious approach, avoiding explicit language authorising force while still operating under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, which allows the Security Council to impose measures ranging from sanctions to military action.

It condemns Iran's alleged violations of the ceasefire and its "continuing actions and threats aimed at closing, obstructing, tolling, or otherwise interfering with the lawful exercise of navigational rights and freedoms through the Strait of Hormuz", including the laying of sea mines.

It describes those actions as a threat to international peace and security and demands Iran immediately cease attacks, disclose the locations of any mines and not impede clearance operations.

The text also calls on Tehran to cooperate with UN efforts to establish a humanitarian corridor through the Strait, citing the disruption of aid deliveries, fertilizer shipments and other essential goods.

The UN secretary general would report back within 30 days on compliance with the measures. The Security Council would reconvene to consider additional steps, including possible sanctions, if Iran failed to implement the resolution.

Diplomats said Washington hopes to close negotiations quickly, with the aim of circulating a final draft by 8 May and holding a vote early next week, although Russia and China still have a competing text under consideration.

US seeks Hormuz coordination with Franco-British mission

The Security Council push is being pursued alongside diplomatic outreach on the MFC, a US-led coordination body that would work with a separate Franco-British maritime mission involving around 30 countries.

The Franco-British initiative seeks to lay the groundwork for safe transit through the Strait once the situation stabilises or the conflict is resolved, with Iranian coordination.

Some states have signalled any mission would require a UN mandate before committing military assets.

"The MFC is complementary to other maritime security task forces, including the maritime planning effort the UK and France are leading," according to an informal diplomatic document sent to governments and seen by Reuters.

"The MFC will remain structurally independent, though close coordination is essential to achieve the strongest maritime security architecture possible." 

Israeli military officials believe it is only a matter of time, possibly days or slightly longer, before the current situation becomes unsustainable, both in Iran and in Lebanon, potentially leading to a new round of fighting, according to a report on Tuesday by leading Israeli newspaper Maariv.

The warnings come as Israel's new air force chief, Major General Omer Tischler, said on Tuesday that the country was prepared to deploy its entire fleet of fighter jets against Iran if necessary.

"We are closely monitoring the developments in Iran and are prepared to deploy the entire air force eastward if required," he said during a ceremony marking his assumption of command.

Officials in Israel's security establishment reportedly do not see a scenario in which Iran would surrender, hand over its enriched uranium, abandon its nuclear programme, or fully reopen the Strait of Hormuz.

They also dismissed the possibility that Tehran would abandon Hezbollah in Lebanon or move to disarm the group.

The assessments indicate that Israel and the United States cannot continue managing the situation for long while Iran retains its nuclear programme and enriched uranium, while also posing a threat to the Strait of Hormuz and Israel.

The developments come as Israeli municipalities prepare for a possible escalation, as Israeli news site Ynet reports that, a day after Iran targeted the UAE, city leaders are bracing for renewed fire towards Israel.

In Haifa and Rishon LeZion, mayors Yona Yahav and Raz Kinstlich said they were preparing their cities for any potential developments, highlighting shortages in shelters and protected spaces. In Ashdod, authorities have already announced the opening of public shelters.

Yahav said life in Haifa was continuing as normal, but preparations were underway for any escalation. He warned that around 35% of residents lacked access to shelters, adding that efforts to address the gap could take up to 18 months.

He also criticised the Israeli government and military, accusing them of neglecting northern cities.

"They do not come here or even pick up the phone to call me, despite me being the most experienced politician in the country," he said.

In Rishon LeZion, authorities have already begun opening shelters as a precaution.

Kinstlich said the city was on full alert, noting that around 50,000 residents lack access to protected spaces.

He added that public institutions, including schools, were being opened to allow residents to stay overnight if needed.

Ashdod municipality said its emergency teams were on full alert and that shelters had been opened as part of increased internal readiness, stressing that there had been no change in official instructions from Israel’s Home Front Command.

Mayor Yehiel Lasri called on residents to remain vigilant and follow official guidance, saying municipal systems had been reinforced and were ready to respond to any scenario as tensions continue to rise.

Scores of employees at Google DeepMind sent a letter to management on Tuesday requesting that the Communication Workers Union (CWU) and Unite the Union (UNITE) be recognised as their official representatives.

According to CWU, the unionisation bid would secure representation for at least 1,000 staff at Google DeepMind in London.

"This is a really important moment where tech workers at Google's frontier AI lab are connecting with some of the most oppressed people in communities around the world in meaningful ways, based on foundational values of solidarity and trade unionism," said John Chadfield, CWU national officer for tech workers.

"By exercising their rights to collectivise, they are in a strong position to demand their employer stop circling the ethical drain of military-industrial contracts, echoing the sentiment of many working people in the UK and elsewhere."

The move comes as workers at Google DeepMind are considering "research strikes" and in-person protests to have their voices heard.

Among the workers' demands is a reinstatement of a scrapped pledge not to make AI weapons or surveillance tools, the establishment of an independent ethics oversight body, and the individual right to refuse to contribute to projects on moral grounds.

“We don’t want our AI models complicit in violations of international law, but they already are aiding Israel’s genocide of Palestinians," said one DeepMind employee. "Even if our work is only used for administrative purposes, as leadership has repeatedly told us, it is still helping make genocide cheaper, faster, and more efficient. That must end immediately, as must harm to Iranians and human lives anywhere."

In their letter, the workers said Google has ten working days to voluntarily accept the unionisation bid, or to take other steps toward mediation before a formal legal process is launched.

Google has worked on contracts that have made cloud computing and AI tools available to Israel, including Project Nimbus. The firm withdrew from the US government's Project Maven in 2019 after outrage among staff. AI systems born from Project Maven have been employed in the US-Israeli war on Iran.

More recently, Google agreed to allow the US Department of Defense to use its AI models for classified work - a move opposed by more than 600 employees.

On the surface, the timing of the warning seemed strange. It came mere days after indirect negotiations were resumed in Cairo between Israel and Hamas on advancing Phase 2 of the ceasefire.

At the same time, Director-General of Trump’s Board of Peace, Nickolay Mladenov, had just delivered a proposal to Hamas that fully adopted the Israeli position on the complete disarmament and dismantling of all armed factions in Gaza before any Israeli withdrawal or reconstruction.

But observing the situation on the ground, Baskin was stating the obvious. Under the fog of the Iran war, Israel has dramatically escalated its attacks on Gaza, doubling down as soon as the Cairo negotiations started on 14 March.

Israel reduced the amount of aid entering the enclave by 80%; expanded the fully occupied and depopulated area under its control; unleashed its proxy gangs to carry out attacks; and intensified daily airstrikes on Gaza, particularly targeting journalists, local police, paramedics, and Gaza’s few remaining solar-powered charging stations.

Israeli forces have also continued to expand their territorial grip on the Palestinian territory. The ‘Yellow Line’, which defined the limits of military deployment under Phase 1 of the ceasefire, has been pushed further westwards, leaving over 60% of Gaza under the control of the army.

When Palestinians in Deir Al-Balah headed to vote in the municipal election last week, Israel sent out messages to all phones in the city telling them, “Congratulations on the occasion of the imminent elections… don’t forget there is only one ruler for this area.”

The message was signed with the alias of an Israeli intelligence officer and a phone number to contact to become an informant.

Days earlier, Israeli planes had airdropped pamphlets on the Shati refugee camp with small packs of coffee attached. The flyers read: “To avoid trouble, protect your future and that of your children, contact us.” It had an implicit threat in red about “preserving your life and your family’s”.

Israel’s aggressive recruitment of collaborators usually precedes a full-scale assault, as those collaborators collect and build up “banks of targets” for the Israeli army.

While a cabinet meeting scheduled for Sunday to discuss a resumption of the war was cancelled, senior Israeli military officials have been increasingly pushing to resume fighting, saying "the best time to defeat Hamas is now".

Negotiations or ambush

Although Israel’s escalations on the ground seem to be aimed at sabotaging the Cairo talks, a Palestinian leader who was present at the discussions told The New Arab that the proposal they received aims to cover up or justify any Israeli assault.

Mladenov delivered this plan under the threat that if Palestinian factions don’t accept full, immediate disarmament and the dismantling of all their infrastructure and militant wings, Israel would resume the war. The framework presented seemed deliberately geared towards being rejected, in order to lend cover to any new Israeli attack.

For instance, the proposal rewrites all of the obligations that Israel never fulfilled and systematically violated as part of the Trump plan’s Phase 1, making its commitments conditional on disarmament.

Six months ago, Israel was supposed to immediately allow the entry of an International Stabilisation Force (ISF) and a new technocratic Palestinian committee into Gaza, and halt all military operations, including bombing, shelling, and assassinations, in return for the exchange of captives.

Israel has killed over 800 Palestinians since then and has still not allowed the ISF or the new committee to enter. The Mladenov plan now asks for Palestinian factions to first accept the principle of total disarmament in order for Israel to recommit to the very obligations that it never fulfilled.

In Phase 1, Israel was also obligated to allow a minimum of 200,000 tents and 60,000 temporary homes to enter, as well as medical necessities, fuel, and early recovery equipment to repair electricity, telecommunication, water, sewage infrastructure, and hospitals and bakeries.

The Mladenov plan deferred those obligations; temporary shelters would only enter alongside the disarmament process, and the early recovery materials would only go to areas where disarmament had been completed.

Under the Trump plan, a distinction was made between “offensive” and “defensive” weapons. The former means weaponry that could be used to attack Israel itself from inside Gaza, like rockets, whereas the latter means firearms that can’t pose a threat to Israel from inside the territory.

The plan had also used the term “decommissioning” instead of “disarmament,” which draws on the terminology of Northern Ireland’s peace plan, where warring parties stored their weapons in warehouses and only destroyed them as an outcome of peace, not a prerequisite. The weapons’ mere existence functioned as the insurance card that an agreement would be fully implemented.

The Mladenov proposal instead uses the language of “complete cleansing” of “heavy weapons” and “destroying” all militant infrastructure (e.g. tunnels, production sites, materials), and that all of this must be done within 90 days, during which no Israeli withdrawal would take place.

Rifles are also included in that heavy arms category. Which, in other words, means Palestinian factions should first render themselves fully defenceless and relinquish the only card of leverage they have on the negotiating table before Israel begins any withdrawal, if it ever does.

Between days 91-250, under the Mladenov plan, all remaining “personal weapons” (e.g., pistols, tasers) should also be turned in, and only in areas where there has been full independent verification of disarmament would the Israeli army withdraw “gradually” over that period. Even then, Israel would retain about 18% of Gaza’s area indefinitely as a “security buffer.”

Palestinian factions were shocked by this proposal and demanded that Israel first meet its Phase 1 obligations before discussing disarmament.

In April, mediators came up with a “bridging proposal” that scrapped this timeline temporarily but maintained the premise of total disarmament as a prerequisite to any withdrawal or reconstruction.

Needless to say, the plan is deliberately unworkable. Palestinians have a long experience of fulfilling their side of a bargain only for Israel to renege on all its obligations, and American guarantees have become worthless after the Iran war, when they and Israel attacked as soon as Iran offered zero nuclear stockpiling.

But even if Hamas’s leadership were to agree to this proposal, many of their members on the ground, as well as other smaller and more hardline factions, would refuse to comply out of sheer distrust of an offer that leaves them defenceless and vulnerable to an occupying Israeli army surrounding them.

Itching for war

Israel has been preparing a plan for months for the full violent takeover of all of Gaza, using unprecedented force with no constraints, since there are no more Israeli captives in the enclave.

Before the Iran war, Israel had been repeatedly pitching Trump the idea that if he gave them a free hand to finish the job in Gaza and disarm the enclave, it would unlock “his vision of Middle East peace” and earn him a Nobel Peace Prize.

For Israel, disarmament in Gaza is a farce, a fig leaf meant to hide these plans. Israel’s own Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu admitted recently that Gaza doesn’t pose a threat to Israel. In February, Netanyahu announced the opening of a new airport in the Negev close to the Gaza Strip, which was previously considered too dangerous. Now, Israel's PM says that the problem “was solved,” meaning Hamas no longer represents a threat to Israel.

In the same month, Netanyahu said: “There are practically no heavy weapons in Gaza. There’s no artillery, there are no tanks, there is nothing”. Instead, he demanded the disarmament of 60,000 rifles, which cannot threaten Israel from inside Gaza, but can only be used to sustain an insurgency against the Israeli army if it decides to remain in the Palestinian territory.

Even if Gaza becomes fully disarmed, Israel can continue to occupy, bomb, raid, and besiege it under the flimsiest pretexts that it located a “rogue cell” or an individual creating a makeshift weapon. Who would then verify that “intel”, considering the more outlandish claims throughout the war, which it got away with unchecked?

Among Palestinians, there are also growing concerns about Israeli elections in less than six months, with the odds stacked against Netanyahu and the prime minister desperately needing an image of victory, especially after the failed campaign in Iran.

As has long been the case in Israeli politics, most notably over the past three years, Netanyahu may once again turn his attention to Gaza, using the resumption of war as a way to aid his political survival.

Muhammad Shehada is a Palestinian writer and analyst from Gaza and the EU Affairs Manager at Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor

Follow him on Twitter: @muhammadshehad2

Edited by Charlie Hoyle

Prosecutors at London's Woolwich Crown Court said the six defendants were members of the banned group Palestine Action, which organised the assault on the Elbit Systems UK facility in Bristol, southwest England, in August 2024.

The raid, which prosecutors said caused about 1 million pounds ($1.36 million) of damage, took place around 10 months into Israel's bombardment of the Gaza Strip, which is still ongoing since October 2023.

Palestine Action was later proscribed under terrorism law, a decision which was ruled unlawful by London's High Court though the group remains banned pending the government's appeal, which was heard last week.

The six defendants – Charlotte Head, 30, Samuel Corner, 23, Leona Kamio, 30, Fatema Zainab Rajwani, 21, Zoe Rogers, 22, and Jordan Devlin, 31 – had all denied charges of criminal damage.

Head, Corner, Kamio and Rajwani were found guilty of the offence, while Rogers and Devlin were found not guilty.

Corner, who prosecutors said hit a police officer with a sledgehammer, was convicted of inflicting grievous bodily harm.

Tuesday's verdicts follow an earlier trial, after which all six defendants were acquitted of aggravated burglary and the previous jury could not reach verdicts on the criminal damage charges.

Prosecutors later dropped charges of violent disorder against all six defendants.

Central Bank Governor Abdulkader Husrieh said the move will facilitate money transfers for Syrians at home and abroad, integrating the country into the global financial system.

The move will allow visitors to Syria to use international bank cards, including Visa and Mastercard, boosting electronic payments and potentially reducing reliance on cash. It will also allow Syrians to use cards issued in their country abroad.

Husrieh said that the integration with global payment systems will also facilitate a transfer of expertise and modern technologies into the local market. 

Following the announcement, the Qatar National Bank (QNB) Group on Tuesday announced the launch of card payment acceptance services and digital payment solutions in Syria.

In a statement, QNB's Senior Executive Vice President of Group Retail Banking, Adel Ali Al Malki, said the firm is proud to be the first bank in the world to support the acceptance of digital payments and international payment cards in the Syrian market.

Elsewhere, Syrian American Council political chief Mohammed Alaa Ghanem said on X that he had met with officials from Mastercard last month in Washington, with the firm saying it was ready to launch electronic payment services in Syria. 

"The only remaining obstacle to completing that is Syria's presence on the list of state sponsors of terrorism," he said, adding that he hopes the classification will be lifted in the near future.

Iran's presence at the tournament, held in the United States, Canada and Mexico between 11 June and 19 July, has been shrouded in uncertainty since the eruption of war in the Middle East in February following strikes by the United States and Israel.

The source said FIFA had asked the FFIRI to visit its Zurich base "by 20 May to prepare for the World Cup".

Last week, FIFA president Gianni Infantino reiterated Iran will play their World Cup games in the United States as scheduled.

"Let me start by the outset, confirming straightaway that of course Iran will be participating at the FIFA World Cup 2026," Infantino said as he addressed delegates at the FIFA Congress in Vancouver.

"And of course, Iran will play (in) the United States of America."

Iran's delegation was the only absentee from the 211-member congress after a clash with Canadian border officials.

Iranian media said FFIRI president Mehdi Taj - a former member of Tehran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) - and two colleagues flew home after being "insulted" by Canadian immigration officers.

Canada, which designated the IRGC a terrorist organisation in 2024, said individuals linked to the force were "inadmissible".

On his return home, Taj told local media he wanted a meeting with FIFA to discuss a variety of subjects.

Iran, who are due to be based in Tucson, Arizona, during the World Cup, face New Zealand, Belgium and Egypt in Group G.

The Iranians open their World Cup campaign against New Zealand in Los Angeles on 15 June.

The step marks a notable shift after five years of estrangement between the two parties. It signals a renewed effort to prioritise unity over fragmentation, which has long characterised the Moroccan left.

The upcoming national council meetings of the Democratic Left Federation, which brings together the Democratic Way, the Socialist Democratic Vanguard Party, the Unified Socialist Left—a breakaway from the Unified Socialist Party—and the Unified Socialist Party itself, are expected to be decisive.

The meetings are due to take place on Sunday, 3 May, to approve an electoral alliance framework by creating a party alliance, as outlined in Article 55.1 of the Organic Law on Political Parties.

The law states that "two or more political parties may ally on the occasion of elections for municipal councils, regional councils, and members of the House of Representatives. The alliance applies at the national level. A political party may not belong to more than one alliance for the same elections."

It also provides that "a political party alliance may, under its endorsement, present lists including candidates who must belong to the parties forming it, in whole or in part, where applicable" and that "the political affiliation of each candidate shall be indicated in the lists."

The law also stresses that "the alliance may also, under its endorsement, present candidates belonging to one of its constituent parties in constituencies where elections are held by single-member ballot."

The two parties had pre-empted the national council meetings in a joint statement issued on Saturday, 3 May, following a meeting of their political bureaux.

They said they had discussed ways to strengthen joint action and unify efforts to develop programmes capable of addressing current challenges.

They also emphasised the need to bring political positions within the left closer together, opening the door to new possibilities for convergence.

The parties highlighted the importance of the upcoming political phase and its implications for restructuring the party landscape.

Both parties stressed that this potential rapprochement is part of a broader process of joint reflection aimed at building a more coherent political platform capable of driving democratic change.

They added that the coordination process remains open and is expected to deepen in the coming period, particularly as legislative elections approach.

As the 2026 House of Representatives elections draw nearer, political debate has resurfaced over the possibility of parties, particularly those on the left, forming alliances that could strengthen their parliamentary presence in Morocco.

At one point, discussions had pointed to the possible formation of an electoral bloc bringing together the Party of Progress and Socialism, the Unified Socialist Party, and the Democratic Left Federation in an attempt to present a joint political platform and a more influential left parliamentary bloc.

The talks did not lead to an agreement.

However, the Democratic Left Federation and the Unified Socialist Party have since moved closer to announcing an electoral alliance for the upcoming vote.

The two parties' national councils, scheduled for 10 May, are expected to be a decisive moment in determining the direction of this process.

Questions remain over the extent to which the alliance can advance, given the long history of internal divisions and splits within the Moroccan left since its formation.

Both parties share broadly similar political positions, particularly support for a parliamentary monarchy as a minimum framework for political reform.

They previously helped establish the Democratic Left Federation on 30 January 2014, alongside the Socialist Vanguard Party and the National Ittihadi Congress, to unify the Moroccan left.

Since then, they have contested elections on joint lists under the alliance.

That unity unravelled ahead of the 2021 elections when the Unified Socialist Party unexpectedly withdrew its signatures from joint lists submitted by the "Democratic Left Federation" to Morocco's Interior Ministry and ran independently.

The decision triggered a deep split among the left and disrupted the alliance many had viewed as a potential unified left-wing force.

In recent months, as the 23 September elections approach, coordination between the two parties has resumed.

This has led to the creation of a joint technical mechanism to develop a practical framework for electoral coordination, particularly regarding candidate selection and constituency allocation.

This work uses the 2021 election results as a reference to determine which party leads in each district.

Abdelhafid Younsi, a political science professor at Hassan I University in Settat, said efforts are underway to revive the alliance on a new political basis ahead of the legislative elections.

"The joint statement issued by the two parties last Saturday was vague regarding the form of this cooperation, whether it is an alliance like before or an opening to field candidates jointly in all or some constituencies," he told The New Arab. "But beyond this technical political analysis, the question remains whether this coordination or alliance can disrupt the political scene, build new balances of power, or influence voting intentions."

Younsi added that "the reality shows we are dealing with politically modest electoral parties, even if they are politically present."

"Electoral presence is linked to objective factors such as geographical reach and organisational capacity to manage elections, financial resources and the ability to fund a strong campaign," he said.

He added that "political presence is also shaped by positions on complex societal issues linked to the economy and identity."

Mohamed Allal Fajri, a Moroccan political science researcher, said rapprochement between left-wing opposition forces in parliament is expected and could lead to an electoral alliance aimed at improving their position in the parliamentary map following the September elections.

This could take the form of joint lists or a shared electoral programme.

He said it would be a miscalculation for parties with ideological convergence to contest elections separately, even with near ideological alignment between the two parties.

Fajri said one of the key indicators of the Moroccan left's crisis is its failure to reach political maturity.

He attributed this to conflicting interests and psychological and subjective factors that limit its ability to assess its real capabilities in a fragmented political landscape.

He also pointed to constraints linked to the electoral system.

He added that ideologically and politically aligned parties, as well as those sharing a similar assessment of the current situation and the stakes after the 23 September elections, should form alliances and develop a unified electoral discourse to confront the forces dominating the government. 

This would allow voters to compare government performance with opposition programmes better.

It would also strengthen accountability within the limits of Morocco's constitutional framework, particularly regarding executive authority.

In the 2021 parliamentary elections held on 7 September, both the Democratic Left Federation and the Unified Socialist Party each won one seat in the House of Representatives, held by Fatima Tamtni and Nabila Mounib, respectively.

Article translated from Arabic by Afrah Almatwari. To read the original, click here.

While the president believes he can force Iran to meet his demands, the move may risk bringing both sides, as well as Israel, back to war. 

The New Arab speaks to former US diplomat William Lawrence, director of regional studies at the National Council on US-Arab Relations, on Trump's strategy and the chances of war continuing.

US 'under more pressure'

According to Lawrence, neither Iran nor the US agreed to the ceasefire because they thought they were losing, with both believing they could gain more through negotiations. 

"This makes the agreement extremely fragile, since neither side is willing to make sufficient concessions for a lasting peace as long as each believes it doesn’t need to compromise," Lawrence says.

The former diplomat adds that the US blockade has caused a global economic crisis, putting more pressure on the United States than on Iran to reopen the strait.

He notes that Washington is trying, through its announcement of escorting ships, to influence oil prices and global markets in Trump’s favour. However, recent reports suggest that instead of actually escorting ships, the US is merely asking shipping companies to contact it by phone if they encounter problems.

According to Lawrence, both sides want the Strait of Hormuz open, but in different sequences and under different conditions.

"Whoever feels the pain first will lose," he says, adding that Iran appears capable of enduring economic pressure longer than the United States and the global economy.

"The US has already felt the impact twice and seems more sensitive to economic pressure than Iran. It is more likely to offer small concessions to Iran—not a peace agreement, but a preliminary arrangement to reopen the strait and give the global economy some breathing room. However, this won’t resolve the deep structural problems."

Lawrence forsees the conflict continuing in the general pattern seen over the past two months, with Trump taking weekly actions that boost stocks and lower oil prices, without actually resolving the crisis.

"Once people realise the problem isn’t solved, stocks fall again, and oil prices rise," he says.

Will Trump attack Iran again?

Lawrence believes the likelihood of Trump attacking Iran is now greater than the likelihood of restraint, despite the president preferring not to be the one to restart the war.

Caught between the conflicting demands of his Israeli allies, members of his own Republican Party, and Iranian opposition activists seeking regime change, Trump still appears to be focused primarily on reopening the Strait of Hormuz. However, his usual strategy of dishing out threats and escalating seems to be having limited success with the Iranians.

A 'low-intensity' conflict

Lawrence suggests the most likely scenario is that the war will shift into a "low-intensity" conflict, similar to Israel’s situation with its neighbours. In such scenarios, periods of calm are punctuated by flare-ups, followed by weeks or months of calm and then renewed conflict.

A comprehensive peace deal would require concessions neither side is willing to make.

It is unclear whether the US will accept Iran's three-phase proposal, which begins with reopening the Strait of Hormuz and puts the nuclear issue at a later stage.

For its part, Tehran is adamant that its nuclear programme will remain - a matter which Trump has described as a red line for Washington.

Israel, US on 'high alert' for war

Meanwhile, US officials were quoted by Fox News on Tuesday as saying that they are closer to resuming combat operations against Iran following the latest Iranian attacks on Monday, when Tehran struck the UAE's Fujairah port with drones and fired warning shots at US military vessels.

The officials said the US military has been rearmed and reequipped, but indicated that it is up to President Trump and Iran's leaders whether combat will resume.

Meanwhile, Israel also appears to be making preparations for a resumption of hostilities with Iran, with the Israeli army saying on Monday it was on "high alert" for the possibility.

“We are monitoring the situation and are on high alert amid the escalation in the Gulf," the army said in a statement.

"We confirm that there is no change in the instructions of the Home Front Command," it added.

Monday also saw Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hold "a series of security consultations" over the situation in the Gulf, where Iran launched drone attacks on the United Arab Emirates, according to Israel's Kan broadcaster.

Decades later, I am standing in the local elections in Birmingham, Stirchley, representing the Green Party in what could be the most significant local elections in England for decades.

I remember the winter of discontent in 1978 and the importance of freedom of expression and protest. In particular, what stuck with me was Margaret Thatcher’s war on trade unions during the miners’ strike from 1984 to 1985.

I appreciated the impact of politics on our daily lives, but the first time it really touched me as a young engineering student at the University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology, was when I discovered that home and overseas students were treated differently in terms of student fees. Home students were exempt, but overseas students had to pay an annual fee, initially set at £750 (now an engineering course costs £22,000 per year). This felt unjust.

This feeling of getting involved in shaping university politics was further spurred by the Palestinian struggle. Given Britain's role in our plight, including the Balfour Declaration, I was organising within the belly of the beast, if you will. And with Al Jazeera’s television channel having just launched, I was suddenly shown for the very first time live scenes of Israel’s atrocities. This left me unable to stay silent.

Watching the arrest of Marwan Barghouti in 2002, then having his wife, Fadwa, speak in the Birmingham Council Chamber in a public meeting calling for his release, also reinforced how connected the struggles were. It highlighted to me how our actions all the way in Birmingham are relevant to all those suffering at the hands of Israeli colonial oppression.

UK politics

These early efforts led me to think about Britain’s political system and institutions. I began to think about how I would vote in a general election and whether I would join a political party. Talking to friends, particularly from the Arab community, I was encouraged to support Labour, as effectively the only party with a sympathetic stance on issues important to us.

I started to feel the same way when Labour MP Richard Burden was elected in my area. He was very supportive of the Palestinian people, which even led me to campaign for him at the general elections. However, I still refrained from joining the political party.

This changed once Jeremy Corbyn became leader.

I chaired the Palestine Solidarity Campaign (PSC) for five years, and during this time, I got to know Jeremy through his role as one of our patrons. His support for the Palestinians as an anti-racist was second to none.

It was Jeremy’s victory, which provided so much hope, that finally led me to join Labour.  Nonetheless, these hopes were quickly dashed by the vile attacks he received from all those who opposed his politics of serving for the many, not the few.

This included the full weight of the pro-Israel lobby, which feared the election of a British prime minister who would not be supportive of Israel.

A man who did not have a racist bone in his body and who was fully supportive of human rights, equality and international law was destroyed as a political leader. He was presented as a man who fuelled antisemitism and division.

After Jeremy’s departure, I remained at the party and voted for Keir Starmer to be the next leader, thinking that as a human rights lawyer, he would stand with the Palestinian people in their pursuit of justice and an end to occupation. However, when asked if he was a Zionist, he said: "I understand and I sympathise and I support Zionism."

The direction of travel for the party was clear.

After an LBC interview in October 2023, during which Starmer said that Israel had the right to cut off water and electricity and to place a siege on Palestinians, I left the Labour Party. How could I, as a Palestinian, remain in a party whose leader not only held these views but also publicly expressed them?

What next?

I considered many options regarding my next political steps and how I could try to intervene in a political system that was supporting and fuelling the oppression of Palestinians amidst the genocide in Gaza.

When then PM Rishi Sunak called a general election in July 2024, I decided to stand as an independent candidate in Birmingham Selly Oak, where the sitting MP Steve McCabe served as the chair of Labour Friends of Israel at the time. I had to stand against a man who supported genocide.

However, at the last minute, McCabe decided not to stand, and Labour parachuted in Al Carns MP, an army colonel with no connection to Birmingham or political experience. He won the election.

After this chapter, I took a break from politics. And whilst I was encouraged when Your Party was launched by Zarah Sultana and Jeremy Corbyn, the chaotic path it’s taken so far left me sceptical.

However, in recent years, the Green Party has been on the radar of many who have campaigned for over two years against the genocide.

Indeed, with the principled stance on Palestine that the Greens have taken, I not only found myself joining them, but also standing in the local elections in Stirchley as their candidate.

The election of Zack Polnski as leader, which has led to a sharp increase in new party memberships, shows that many who have been disappointed and enraged by Labour turning its back on Palestinians are finding an alternative political home. They trust his staunch advocacy for people’s daily struggles, his anti-fascism and anti-racism, his calls for accountability when it comes to Israel’s crimes, and crucially, his refusal to concede despite the Israel lobby’s pressure.

Many Green councillors will likely be elected in the coming days, and I hope that this will force a new leadership to the top.

Professor Kamel Hawwash is a politician, writer and analyst.

Follow Kamel on Instagram: @kamelhawwash

Have questions or comments? Email us at: editorial-english@newarab.com

Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.

Medics said a Palestinian was killed and two others were wounded by an Israeli airstrike near the Sheikh Radwan neighbourhood in Gaza City, while another was killed and several others were wounded by Israeli tank shelling near the central area of the enclave.

There was no immediate Israeli comment on either incident.

Violence in Gaza has persisted despite an October 2025 ceasefire, with Israel conducting almost daily attacks on Palestinians, including killings, shelling, bombardments, and home demolitions.

At Al-Shifa Hospital, the largest medical facility still partially functional in the enclave, relatives and friends arrived to bid farewell to one of the victims, Mohammed Al-Ghandour. Two girls were crying and being comforted by a woman outside the hospital's morgue.

"The Zionist enemy doesn’t know anything called truce and does not commit to international treaties or laws or humanitarian laws," said the victim's uncle, Abu Omar Al-Naffar.

At least 830 Palestinians have been killed since the ​ceasefire deal took ​effect, according ⁠to local medics, while Israel says four of its soldiers have been killed over ​the same period.

More than 72,500 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces since the start of the genocidal war in October 2023, according to Gaza health ​authorities.

Since the truce last October, Israel still occupies more than half of Gaza, where it has ordered residents out and demolished almost all remaining structures. Nearly the entire population of more than two million Palestinians now lives in a narrow strip along the coast, mainly in tents and damaged buildings.

Judge Antonio Pina of Spain's National Court has formally asked the UN to confirm whether it is aware of the incident, whether it was raised with Israeli authorities, and whether any investigation has been initiated.

The request comes as the court considers whether to open a criminal probe into the case.

The move follows a request from prosecutors after a complaint was filed by the political group Iustitia Europa, which called for legal action against senior Israeli officials, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and army chief Herzi Halevi, over potential violations of international law.

The case relates to an incident on 7 April, when Israeli forces stopped a logistics convoy belonging to the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in southern Lebanon. A Spanish soldier was detained for around an hour before being released without injury.

The incident triggered a strong response in Madrid at the time, with Spain's foreign ministry summoning Israel's envoy, Dana Erlich, to lodge a formal protest over the "unjustifiable detention" of a peacekeeper.

Spain's Defence Minister Margarita Robles said the government had issued its "strongest protest" to both the United Nations and the Israeli government, after which the soldier was released. She added that Madrid had requested accountability and received assurances that those responsible would be punished.

According to Spanish officials, the convoy had been transporting food and supplies to another UNIFIL contingent when an Israeli patrol stopped it, and one soldier was held for a period before being freed.

The complaint before the Spanish court argues that the incident may constitute a violation of international humanitarian law and the protections afforded to peacekeeping forces, which are expected to operate without obstruction.

It also suggests that detaining a UN soldier, even temporarily, could amount to unlawful detention or coercion, and potentially rise to the level of a war crime if intent is established.

The court's request to the United Nations is seen as a key legal step, tied to the principle of complementarity, under which national courts may defer to international investigations if one is already underway.

Based on the UN's response, the judge will decide whether Spanish courts will proceed with their own inquiry, in a case that could take on wider political and diplomatic significance, particularly amid growing tensions between European countries and Israel over its military operations in the region.

It also comes as Israeli forces have carried out over a dozen attacks on UNIFIL peacekeepers in southern Lebanon since the war began in October 2023. 

By March 2026, UNIFIL reported at least five peacekeepers killed in separate incidents in southern Lebanon and several more injured in convoy explosions and direct fire on patrols.

It is Islamist authorities' first such move since the ousting of Bashar al-Assad's regime in December 2024 following nearly 14 years of civil war that erupted with the longtime ruler's brutal repression of peaceful anti-government protests in 2011.

The interior ministry announcement last Sunday said the "right to demonstrate and gather peacefully" is guaranteed under Syria's transitional constitution, but must be exercised according to "legal conditions and mechanisms" to ensure security and public order.

It said a committee would decide on applications for demonstrations within five days of being lodged, with applicants having the right to appeal.

An interior ministry official told AFP on condition of anonymity on Monday that "the decision is purely regulatory and aims to protect demonstrators" from violence.

"It doesn't restrict freedoms but regulates them," the official added.

Rights activists have nonetheless criticised the move, saying it reinstates a permit system in place under Assad - which also included a notional right to appeal.

According to the ministry announcement, authorities will have the right to demand an end to an authorised protest under certain conditions, including if it "exceeds the limits of the granted permit or if riots take place".

Syrian human rights activist Michal Shammas said on Facebook that the decision "reinstated the same conditions that were imposed" by Assad when the former leader sought to put down the 2011 protests.

He said only legislative bodies could impose restrictions on constitutional rights like freedom of assembly, and called the administrative decree "illegal and in violation of the constitution".

Protests have erupted in different parts of Syria since Assad's ouster over a variety of issues, including living conditions as well as political and rights issues, sometimes voicing criticism of the new authorities.

At times counter-protests have taken place, with clashes sometimes erupting.

Last month, Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa sought to reassure his Emirati counterpart that Damascus wanted to maintain good relations with the United Arab Emirates, following a violent protest outside its embassy in Damascus.

Fahad Ansari is challenging his stop by officers at the port of Holyhead in August last year, arguing that his detention and the extraction of data from his phone, including legally privileged communications, were unlawful.

Documents disclosed as part of the case show that a detective inspector recorded "Hamas" under "membership of a known group" on a risk assessment form authorising his detention.

Ansari said the incident was "chilling", telling the Guardian it reflected a troubling precedent.

"Seeing this in black and white was chilling: it echoes a dark period when the British state targeted lawyers for representing members of another proscribed group [the IRA]," he said, according to the newspaper.

"This is not Belfast in the 1980s when such messages were delivered with bullets, but the intention is the same: represent Hamas and face consequences," he added, warning that such actions risk silencing legal representation for controversial clients.

His lawyer, Hugh Southey KC, said in court submissions that Ansari "is not a member of Hamas" and that his only connection to the group was acting as its solicitor in a de-proscription application filed in April 2025.

The police officer who completed the form later said the entry was inaccurate, stating in a witness statement that he had intended to record that Ansari worked as a solicitor for Hamas, not that he was a member.

He added that the error "did not affect any of the decisions" taken by officers.

However, Southey argued that the explanation suggested a broader issue, saying it indicated that "representation of Hamas was equated with membership", as reported by The Guardian.

Ansari's legal team also claims the stop was targeted rather than random, stating that authorities had sought access to his mobile phone, which was downloaded and examined over several days.

The case is being brought against the chief constable of North Wales Police and the Home Secretary, with both the police force and the Home Office declining to comment while proceedings are ongoing.

Hamas had submitted an application to the Home Secretary in early April 2025 seeking to overturn its designation as a proscribed organisation.

The group was previously partially banned in the UK, with only its armed wing, Al-Qassam Brigades, listed as a terrorist organisation.

In 2021, the UK extended the ban to Hamas in its entirety, arguing that the distinction between its political and military wings was "artificial".

Hamas's legal team had argued that the move was politically motivated, violated rights protected under the European Convention on Human Rights, and placed unlawful restrictions on political expression and support within the UK.

The application was filed by Mousa Abu Marzouk, head of Hamas's foreign relations office, and triggered a formal review process.

The Home Office rejected the request in early July 2025, stating that the proscription was "necessary and proportionate" to protect national security and support counter-terrorism efforts.

Following that decision, Hamas launched an appeal to the Proscribed Organisations Appeal Commission (POAC), challenging the lawfulness of the refusal. The case remains ongoing as of mid-2026, with no ruling yet to overturn the designation.

In the war-torn Gaza, however, the day lands with a different weight, less a celebration than a reminder of the cost of bearing witness in a place where the line between observer and victim has all but disappeared. There, journalism is not a profession conducted at a distance. It is lived, endured, and survived, often simultaneously.

Speaking with The New Arab, Palestinian journalists said they mostly find themselves documenting devastation while navigating it in their own lives, moving between the roles of reporter, survivor, and parent, with little room to separate them.

For Mohammed Omar, a 36-year-old freelance journalist and father of three, this tension defines daily life.

Without a stable contract or consistent income, he works with several foreign outlets while supporting an extended family that includes his elderly parents and four sisters. The war has not only shaped his reporting but also dismantled his personal life.

Like hundreds of others, Mohammed and his family have been repeatedly displaced from Gaza City to Deir al-Balah, then Khan Younis, Rafah, and back again. Today, he lives in a tent with his wife and children, while his parents and sisters remain in another, far away.

"I no longer know how to balance being a journalist with being a father," Mohammed told TNA. "Every time I go out to cover an event, I think: will I return to my children?"

Even the act of working has become an ordeal. Mohammed walks for nearly an hour every day to find a functioning internet connection to file his reports.

Sometimes, he is forced to get donkey carts, slow, unreliable, and often forced to stop mid-journey in search of passengers or signals to let them pay through electronic wallets.

"Sometimes I arrive too late, or I cannot send my material at all […] I feel like I am gradually losing my job," he said.

"What hurts me most is the thought of being targeted and leaving my children alone," he added. "This fear never leaves me."

Wounds that wait

These fears are grounded in a grim reality. According to the government media office in Gaza, at least 262 journalists and media workers have been killed since the war began, one of the highest tolls recorded globally.

More than 420 others have been injured, many sustaining permanent disabilities. Dozens have been arrested, and others remain missing, according to the government media office.

Behind these numbers are stories like that of Maher Al-Afifi, a cameraman and editor with Palestine TV, whose attempt to report the war nearly cost him his life and whose struggle for treatment became a battle of its own.

Maher was wounded by shrapnel in his left thigh while working in northern Gaza. But the injury marked the beginning of a long medical ordeal compounded by siege conditions and severe restrictions on travel.

"Under normal circumstances, I would have travelled long ago for treatment," Maher told TNA from Cairo, where he arrived only days ago after finally securing permission to leave Gaza. "But the closure of the crossing turned my condition into a race against time."

For more than two years, he waited among dozens of thousands of patients for a chance to leave the Strip, as only a limited number were allowed through.

"Every delay meant my health deteriorated further," he said.

Maher's condition was already complicated. He has psoriasis and has been on prolonged cortisone treatment, weakening his immune system. His health worsened dramatically when he developed a perforated stomach, requiring the removal of 60 per cent of the organ in an emergency surgery at Kamal Adwan Hospital under dire conditions.

"The illness itself was not the only problem," he added. "It was the inability to access proper treatment. I knew I was getting worse, but I could not do anything."

Following the surgery, doctors at Al-Shifa Hospital discovered a cancerous mass in his stomach, requiring urgent intervention at a time when Gaza's healthcare system was collapsing under sustained bombardment and shortages.

"If I had been able to travel earlier, I might not have reached this stage," he explained.

His health declined, compounded by an undiagnosed heart attack and repeated transfers between overstretched hospitals. Only after a public appeal by fellow journalists in March 2026 was he able to leave Gaza for treatment.

"Even when I finally travelled, it felt like a delayed rescue," Maher said. "What happened to me could have been avoided if the crossings had opened in time."

His story reflects a broader pattern, such as injured journalists trapped between life-threatening conditions and a healthcare system unable to provide adequate care.

Trauma without pause

Beyond physical danger, the psychological toll on Gaza's journalists is profound and ongoing.

"A journalist in Gaza does not experience a single trauma, but a continuous chain of traumas. There is no real chance for recovery," Sarah Mahdi, a Gaza-based psychologist, told TNA.

Mahdi said that reporters routinely witness death and destruction, document it, and then return to precarious living conditions where they themselves remain at risk.

"This overlap between personal and professional experience intensifies the psychological impact," she said.

"Symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder are widespread, including chronic anxiety, insomnia, and the persistent reliving of traumatic scenes," she added.

Some journalists can no longer sleep properly. Others live in a constant state of anticipation, as if danger is permanent, according to Sarah.

The fear of being directly targeted adds another layer of strain, particularly for those with families.

"The idea that a journalist might leave home and never return has become a daily obsession," she added.

Compounding the crisis is the near-total absence of mental health support. With Gaza's healthcare system under immense pressure, specialised psychological services remain scarce.

"Many are facing these pressures alone," she said.

In a press statement marking World Press Freedom Day, the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate described journalism in Palestine as "a daily battle," citing killings, arrests, and restrictions on reporting.

It called on the international community to ensure protection for journalists and accountability for violations against them.

Yet for those on the ground, such appeals often feel distant.

Despite the risks, Abed al-Hakim Abu Riash, a cameraman in Gaza, continues his work, moving through rubble and displacement camps with his camera and phone, determined to document what unfolds around him.

"Sometimes I feel like I am living two lives […] One where I try to survive with my family, and another where I try to tell the world what is happening," he told TNA. "In Gaza, the story is inescapable. Journalists do not need to search for it as they live within it. But in telling it, they also become part of it, paying a price measured not only in exhaustion and fear, but in injury, loss, and the constant threat of death."

"Unfortunately, on a day meant to celebrate press freedom, our reality offers a stark counterpoint […] in Gaza, truth is not only reported as it is endured," he added.

Thiago Ávila, one of around 180 activists aboard the Global Sumud Flotilla seized in international waters off the coast of Greece on 29 April, addressed the letter to his daughter Teresa, apologising for his absence while explaining his decision to join the mission.

In the letter, later published on his Facebook account, Ávila described the humanitarian situation in Gaza in stark terms, writing that more than a million children were "being starved" and subjected to extreme suffering.

He said his actions were motivated by a belief that "there was nothing more dangerous… than living in a world that accepts genocide".

"I'm sure you miss me too much, and all the mothers and fathers of Palestinian children also miss them so much and would give anything to live a life of love, happiness, and joy that every human being deserves, independently of race, religion, ethnicity or any other characteristic," he said, drawing a personal parallel between his own family and those in Gaza.

The letter comes as an Israeli court on Tuesday extended the detention of Ávila and fellow activist Saif Abu Keshek following a request by the state to hold them for a further six days.

No formal charges have been filed, with the extension granted for the purpose of interrogation, according to the Adalah legal centre.

The Ashkelon Magistrates’ Court approved the request without imposing limitations on the interrogation period.

During an earlier hearing, state prosecutors alleged the two activists were suspected of assisting the enemy during wartime, contact with a foreign agent, membership in and providing services to a "terrorist organisation", and transferring property to such a group.

Their lawyers rejected the accusations, arguing there is no link between delivering humanitarian aid to civilians and involvement with any armed group. They also noted that the activists were detained more than 1,000 kilometres from Gaza and are not Israeli citizens.

According to Adalah, both men are being held in total isolation under continuous high-intensity lighting and have been on hunger strike since 30 April, consuming only water.

Israel’s war on Gaza has killed more than 72,000 people, the majority of them civilians. The humanitarian situation remains severe, with over 18,500 patients in need of medical evacuation, including at least 4,000 children, amid continued restrictions on the entry of aid.

According to Adalah, Ávila has been subjected to repeated interrogations, as well as threats and mistreatment while in custody, raising further concerns about the conditions faced by detained activists.

Alghorra, a contributor to The New York Times, was recognised on Monday for a series capturing starvation and destruction in the enclave following Israel's genocidal campaign since October 2023.

Pulitzer Prizes Administrator Marjorie Miller highlighted the importance of independent journalism during the announcement, pointing to growing political and economic pressures on the media, including restrictions on access and legal challenges facing news organisations in the United States.

Alghorra's work, titled 'Trapped in Gaza: Between Fire and Famine', has also received international recognition, including first prize for war photography at the Prix Bayeux Calvados-Normandie awards in France last year.

Other finalists in the breaking news photography category included Reuters photographers for coverage of US immigration enforcement and the Los Angeles Times for images of deadly wildfires in California.

Beyond the Gaza coverage, this year's Pulitzer Prizes recognised a range of investigations into political power and global surveillance.

Staff at The New York Times won the investigative reporting award for exposing alleged conflicts of interest involving US President Donald Trump. Moreover, Reuters took the national reporting prize for documenting the use of government influence to expand executive authority.

Reuters journalists Jeff Horwitz and Engen Tham also won the beat reporting prize for revealing how Meta exposed users, including children, to scams and AI-driven manipulation.

In public service, The Washington Post was awarded for its reporting on a "chaotic overhaul" of federal agencies. At the same time, The Associated Press won the international reporting prize for an investigation into global surveillance technologies developed in Silicon Valley and deployed worldwide.

A special citation was awarded to Miami Herald journalist Julie K. Brown for her reporting on Jeffrey Epstein, which exposed systemic abuse and the legal structures that enabled it.

Established in 1917, the Pulitzer Prizes are among the most prestigious awards in journalism, recognising outstanding reporting, photography and public service.

Stocks sank on Tuesday with a fresh spike in Middle East tensions fanning fears over the fragile US-Iran ceasefire, as the two sides appeared no closer to a deal to reopen the Strait of Hormuz.

And while oil prices fell, they held most of the huge gains seen on Monday after the two countries traded fire over the key waterway and the United Arab Emirates reported a strike on an installation.

The exchanges came after Donald Trump announced a mission called "Project Freedom" to guide ships from neutral countries out of the Gulf, saying it was a humanitarian effort to help stranded crews.

The US president was later quoted by Fox News as warning that Iran would be "blown off the face of the Earth" if it attacked US ships.

Crude prices surged on Monday - with Brent up almost six percent - after a US admiral said US forces sank six small Iranian boats. Iran denied any had been sunk and earlier fired warning shots at US warships.

That came after the UAE said an energy installation in the emirate of Fujairah had been hit, while the UAE defence ministry announced four cruise missiles were launched from Iran, with three successfully shot down and another falling into the sea.

A senior Iranian military official did not deny the strikes but said: "What happened was the product of the US military's adventurism to create a passage for ships to illegally pass through" the Strait of Hormuz, according to state television.

Still, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said the clashes showed there was "no military solution to a political crisis" and pointed to Pakistan's efforts to keep mediating.

Both main oil contracts slipped on Tuesday, with West Texas Intermediate shedding more than one percent. However, it was hovering just below $105, and Brent was slightly lower at a little more than $113.

"The US has already demonstrated its willingness to secure passage, successfully guiding vessels through contested waters," said Stephen Innes at SPI Asset Management.

"But the response from Tehran has been equally clear, signalling that any proximity to its strategic perimeter will be met with force, raising the stakes into something that feels less like brinkmanship and more like an asymmetric pressure campaign."

Fears that the ceasefire, which has been in place since early April, could fall apart weighed on Asian equities, with Hong Kong, Singapore, Mumbai, Bangkok, Manila, Wellington, and Taipei all down.

Sydney also retreated as the Australian central bank hiked interest rates for the third straight meeting, citing rising energy prices.

London and Paris were down while Frankfurt opened higher.

Tokyo, Seoul and Shanghai were closed for holidays.

The losses followed a drop on Wall Street - where the S&P 500 and Nasdaq came off record highs -- and came after a healthy rally fuelled by fresh interest in all things linked to artificial intelligence.

"Whether Operation Project Freedom actually proceeds, or proves to be the latest in a long line of initiatives and threats that fail to gain traction or are later walked back, remains to be seen," said IG's Tony Sycamore.

"If it does proceed, whether Iran will allow safe passage or instead chooses to fire on escorted vessels is another open question."

Meanwhile, Wells Fargo Investment Institute's Darrell Cronk warned that even if the crisis is brought under control, energy markets and factory activity would likely take some time to get back to normal.

Mali is facing a security crisis following an assault on junta strongholds led by Tuareg separatists and Al-Qaeda-linked jihadists more than a week ago, during which defence minister Sadio Camara was killed by a car bomb at his residence.

The separatists and jihadists were able to capture the key northern town of Kidal in their assault on multiple junta locations, in the largest attack in the west African country in nearly 15 years.

The fighting resulted in the death of at least 23 people, with the United Nations children's agency UNICEF reporting that civilians and children were among the dead and injured.

Militants from Al-Qaeda's branch in the Sahel region - the Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims (JNIM) - joined forces with the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA), an ethnic Tuareg separatist movement, in the attacks against the junta and its Russian mercenaries.

Goita, in his new role, will be assisted by General Oumar Diarra, according to a separate decree.

Diarra had been serving as military chief of staff but is now minister delegate to the minister of defence.

Both decrees were read out on public broadcaster ORTM.

'Cat and mouse'

In the wake of the attacks during the weekend of 25-26 April, the militants had announced a blockade of the capital Bamako in retaliation for "the population's support of the army".

However, that blockade has only partially been effective, according to an AFP correspondent in the city.

"The jihadists are merely engaging in harassment," an officer in charge of patrolling the highway connecting the city of Kayes to Bamako told AFP.

"We haven't actually encountered them anywhere. They are playing cat and mouse with us but - admittedly - the population is panicking

A manager at a transport company that operates along the Bamako-Sikasso route said, however, that his firm had "suspended all departures for Bamako until further notice".

One person heading to Bamako from Segou told AFP of having travelled "with knots in our stomachs" but there was no major incident.

Another said some people were taking detours to avoid certain areas.

They said the move forms part of a political manoeuvre by which the factions seek to reposition themselves in the political landscape and bypass US conditions requiring non-engagement with any Iraqi government that includes representation from armed factions.

This comes in preparation for participation in the anticipated government headed by Ali al-Zaidi.

This move comes amid increasing international pressure, led by the United States, which has directly stressed to leaders of Iraqi political blocs, as well as to the prime minister-designate, the need to prevent the inclusion of armed factions allied with Tehran in the next government formation.

It warned of repercussions for bilateral relations and potential political, economic, and possibly security measures, according to the sources.

However, the main obstacle remains that Washington does not see any distinction between the PMF—the umbrella grouping of Iraqi factions—and the factions that present themselves as part of the "axis of resistance" that quickly engaged in the recent war alongside Iran.

On Monday, 4 May, informed political sources in Baghdad told The New Arab that three factions so far have expressed readiness to hand over their weapons to the PMF, which they describe as a government institution under the law, with the step to be carried out through an official announcement. 

This is part of an effort to send positive signals to the US administration.

Sources confirmed that the groups Ansar Allah al-Awfiya, led by Haidar al-Gharawi; Sayyid al-Shuhada, led by Abu Alaa al-Walai; and Asaib Ahl al-Haq, led by Qais al-Khazali, have spoken of their readiness to place their weapons under the custody and control of the PMF.

The step, according to the same sources, comes as part of an effort to enable the political wings of these factions to participate in the next government.

It also aims to circumvent what Baghdad fears could be a US ban, which could have economic and financial repercussions.

The move is also seen as seeking to provide US President Donald Trump with an announcement of an achievement in Iraq in line with his known approach.

Earlier on Sunday, Member of Parliament Hassan Al-Khafaji spoke about ongoing talks with the armed factions. He said, "We spoke with the factions as statesmen and told them that we do not have either al-Qaeda or ISIS, and today you have become politicians, and most of you have engaged in political work, so lay down your weapons".

He predicted that "they will respond to this call".

"When I met some leaders, they said they want to build the country and leave problems behind," he added.

However, as political analyst Hussein al-Asaad describes, this political manoeuvre raises fundamental questions about these armed factions' ability to convince Washington and the international community of the seriousness of this shift.

This is particularly the case given that some of these factions have been listed on US terrorism lists for years.

This makes the separation between military and political wings subject to ongoing doubt.

Al-Asaad told The New Arab that "the intention of some armed factions to announce handing over their weapons represents a step with more political than security dimensions. They are attempting to reposition themselves in preparation for participation in the next government.”

"This step reflects a growing awareness among these factions of the scale of international pressure, particularly from the United States, which has drawn clear red lines regarding the inclusion of any faction with an armed wing in the government formation", he said.

Al-Asaad explained that "the declared shift towards exclusively political work may be an attempt to avoid potential repercussions, including sanctions or political and economic restrictions".

"In theory, handing over weapons could enhance the chances of integrating these factions within the official framework of the state," he noted.

However, he further pointed out that "the real challenge lies in their actual commitment to separating political work from any military or security activity outside state institutions".

"The inclusion of some of these factions on US terrorism lists for years complicates the ability to market this shift easily. Washington may view this step as a formal measure unless it is accompanied by long-term practical steps, including genuine and transparent restructuring," al-Asaad added.

The expert concluded that "the next government will face a precise test in achieving a balance between accommodating influential political forces on the ground and maintaining Iraq's international commitments. This makes the issue of factional weapons one of the most prominent challenges shaping the coming phase."

Between domestic calculations and external pressures, the step of handing over weapons appears to be the beginning of a long negotiation process rather than a unilateral measure.

It reflects the continued complexity of Iraq's transitional phase, in which considerations of sovereignty, legitimacy, and regional and international balances intersect, according to observers.

Article translated from Arabic by Afrah Almatwari. To read the original, click here.

The Council of Melkite Greek Catholic Bishops in Lebanon urged the Lebanese government and the United Nations to protect the property of civilians and religious institutions in southern Lebanon, citing in particular the village of Yaroun where officials said Israeli troops destroyed a Melkite convent earlier this month among other demolitions.

The bishops called the destruction of buildings, after residents of the area had evacuated, a "deep wound in the national and human conscience".

Israel took control of border areas in southern Lebanon in its latest war in the country ahead of a ceasefire on 17 April, claiming to intend to destroy Hezbollah infrastructure.

The Israeli military claims it does not intentionally target religious institutions, but said in a statement on Saturday that while destroying Hezbollah infrastructure in Yaroun, that it had damaged a house without religious signs, and that it had prevented further damage to the building after recognising it was linked to a church.

The Israeli military claimed that the building in Yaroun was part of a compound that Hezbollah militants had used in the past to fire rockets toward Israel, and it released photographs of an intact building at the site.

Adib Ajaka, a Christian community leader in Yaroun, told The Associated Press that the photos posted in the Israel statement were of another building next to the convent that housed a clinic and archbishopric, and that the Israeli military had bulldozed the convent. He handed over a photograph showing rubble next to the clinic building that he said were the remains of the convent.

The Israeli military did not immediately respond on Monday to questions about the convent.

Adib, as well as a municipal official from Yaroun and Gladys Sabbagh, the superior general of the Basilian Salvatorian Sisters who had used the convent, all told The Associated Press that according to news they received, the convent had been bulldozed while residents were evacuated from the area. The municipal official spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak to the media.

The French Catholic charity L’Oeuvre d’Orient condemned what it called the "deliberate act of destruction of a place of worship and the systematic destruction of homes in southern Lebanon aimed at preventing the return of civilian populations".

Also Monday, the US Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa told reporters that a potential meeting between President Joseph Aoun and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Washington should not be seen as a concession or a loss for Lebanon.

Trump said last month that he would host a meeting between Aoun and Netanyahu although a date has not been set yet. There has been no official confirmation from Lebanon that Aoun will attend such a meeting with Netanyahu.

Aoun has been coming under harsh criticism at home by Hezbollah and its allies who are opposed to direct talks with Israel.

The latest war between Israel and Hezbollah began on 2 March, when Hezbollah fired rockets in response to Washington and Tel Aviv's large-scale assault on Iran.

Israel has since carried out hundreds of airstrikes and launched a ground invasion of southern Lebanon, capturing dozens of towns and villages along the border.

A 10-day ceasefire declared in Washington went into effect on 17 April. The ceasefire was later extended by three weeks.

The Health Ministry in Lebanon said Monday that the latest Israeli attacks have killed 2,696 and wounded 8,264 .

Getting around after over two years of Israel's genocide in Gaza has become an exercise in negotiation and humiliation, the pregnant mother of two didn't anticipate.

"Every time I try to take a ride, I can't find anyone who'll accept payment without exact change, and I never have it," Ayat,  who lives in the Sahaba neighbourhood in central Gaza, tells The New Arab.

She ends up waiting on the street for stretches at a time, or walking distances she shouldn't be walking, in the sun, in her condition. "It's exhausting and embarrassing sometimes," she adds. 

Her daily struggle points to a compounding crisis that has quietly overtaken Gaza's transportation network, one that sits at the intersection of war, economic collapse, and technological exclusion.

No cash, no ride

Cash has nearly vanished from circulation. Small bills, the kind needed for a cab fare, are essentially impossible to come by.

Fuel prices have sent transport costs to roughly five times what they were before the war. And digital payment solutions, the kind that might seem like an obvious workaround, run up against a population that is, in large part, cut off from the infrastructure those solutions require.

Amani Abu Sa'da is in her sixties and displaced to the Nasr neighbourhood in western Gaza City. She doesn't own a smartphone. She has no banking app, no e-wallet, no way to access any payment system that runs on a screen.

"Almost all of my life is inside the camp," she tells The New Arab. "I only go out when absolutely necessary."

Even when she musters the will to leave, the fractured roads and her inability to walk long distances quickly exhaust her options.

"Even if I find a vehicle, I have no way to pay." She describes the feeling plainly, without drama: she is stuck.

Fourteen-year-old Ghazal Murshid, displaced to the Tuffah neighbourhood in eastern Gaza City, navigates this same landscape every time she tries to get to her English language class.

Her solution has been to negotiate with drivers, asking them to take her and accept payment on the return trip, when she might have scraped together the fare. Most refuse.

"The waiting is long, and it affects my focus," she says, though she keeps going anyway.

A startup born from a bus stop

These are the conditions that Mohammed Abu Jiab says drove his team at Aqlam Tech Gaza to develop what they're calling "Bitaqaty", Arabic for "My Card."

"There is a compounded crisis around transportation," Mohammed tells The New Arab, "given the absence of cash and small change from more than 95 percent of people's hands and from the markets."

The team could have tried to build another digital wallet or app-based payment platform. They didn't, because they concluded it would fail before it launched.

Gaza's mobile network still operates largely on 2G. Internet access during transit is unreliable at best, nonexistent at worst.

Many residents lost their phones during the war; the devices available on the market are priced beyond most people's reach.

"The problem of keeping up with technological development still exists," Mohammed notes, "whether through smartphones or the internet."

So they went in the opposite direction. The Bitaqaty card is paper. A rider buys one not from a station or an app but from supermarkets and point-of-sale outlets distributed across the territory, then boards a vehicle.

At the end of the ride, they hand the driver the card. That's it. The rider's role is finished.

"Our slogan was clear," Mohammed shares. "No smartphones. No internet."

Paper, but not simple

The simplicity is intentional, but so is the security. The cards are made to physical specifications designed to resist damage, duplication, and fraud.

Each one carries encoded data that can only be read through a dedicated application installed on the driver's phone.

From the rider's perspective, it looks like handing over a bus ticket. From the system's perspective, it's a verified, encrypted transaction.

The settlement side of the equation happens later. At the end of his working day, the driver scans the QR code on each collected card, logs into the financial settlement system, and receives the corresponding fare transferred to his bank account, processed in cycles every twelve hours.

The cards themselves are not financial instruments in the traditional sense; they are purpose-built for transit and nothing else.

Mohammed describes the concept as loosely borrowed from metro ticketing systems: the rider buys before boarding, but adapted to an environment without stations, without consistent power, and without assuming anyone has functioning technology in their pocket.

"The citizen here doesn't buy the ticket from a station, but from the supermarket and the points of sale that are spread around," he explains.

What his team has tried to build is essentially a bridge: a low-tech interface that connects to a more complex financial backend, without requiring either party, rider or driver, to navigate that complexity in real time, on the road, in the middle of a war.

Roughly 500 drivers have already registered to work within the system across Gaza's governorates, according to Mohammed, a number he describes as evidence that the market was waiting for exactly this kind of solution.

Whether the card can scale and sustain itself amid Gaza's ongoing instability remains to be seen.

The infrastructure it relies on, the supermarkets where cards are sold, the banking system that processes driver settlements, and the phones on which drivers scan codes all exist within a context of constant disruption.

Power cuts, displacement, and the war's unpredictable pace can interrupt any of these links at any time.

But the problem the card is trying to solve is real, immediate, and affecting people at the most basic level of daily movement.

For Ayat Hani, the ability to board a vehicle without needing to produce exact change, while pregnant, in summer heat, after waiting too long on a broken street, is not a convenience.

It's a measure of whether she can function at all in a city that has been systematically stripped of the ordinary mechanisms that make life move.

"I wish for a real and quick solution to the transportation crisis," she says, "so people can move more comfortably in their daily lives."

The card, for now, is what someone managed to build.

Ansam Al-Kitaa is a freelance journalist based in Gaza. For years, she has covered the successive wars in Gaza and their humanitarian and social impacts for international and local outlets

This piece is published in collaboration with Egab

A recent incident in which he quoted a fake bible verse from the film Pulp Fiction to encourage a holy war in Iran has revived long-held concerns and ridicule among Hegseth's critics that he is not fit for his position.

"The path of the downed aviator is beset on all sides by the inequities of the selfish and the tyranny of evil man. Blessed is he who, in the name of camaraderie and duty, shepherds the lost through the valley of darkness, for he is truly his brother’s keeper and the finder of lost children," Hegseth said as he led a prayer for service members in April.

"And I will strike down upon thee with great vengeance and furious anger those who attempt to capture and destroy my brother, and you will know my call sign is Sandy 1 when I lay my vengeance upon thee. Amen," he continued, urging the soldiers to pray with him.

What have been some of Hegseth's more noteworthy references?

Hegseth has been making biblical references related to combat long before the US war on Iran, something that has caused concern before his tenure as War Secretary.

During his time as a student at Princeton, Hegseth, upon becoming publisher of the university's conservative student publication, The Princeton Tory, said that he would defend Western civilisation against the distractions of diversity.

When he worked as a Fox News host, in 2020, he wrote a book called Crusades, in which he calls for an 'American crusade' against enemies, such as leftists and Islam. The book also rails against Democracy and civil rights.

Throughout his confirmation process as the then-Secretary of Defence (before renaming the department to War), as he faced allegations of violence and sexual misconduct, Hegseth described himself as a warrior. After he was sworn in, he said that he would work to return the warrior ethos.

Critics have also pointed to his tattoos, one of which is a large Christian crusader cross and another of which reads Deus Vult (God wills it, what Hegseth considers the rallying cry for Christian knights).

Since becoming Defence Secretary, he has led regular prayer services and has used his church and pastor to preach to service members.

Who is Hegseth's faith leader, and what is his church?

Hegseth says he had a religious transformation in 2018, when he and his wife were attending Colts Neck Community Church in New Jersey, where they lived at the time. He said that their strong faith led them to relocate to Tennessee, where they then enrolled their children in a Christian school and became members of the Pilgrim Hill Reformed Fellowship, part of the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches (CREC). The church preaches conservative ideology and free will.

At a May 2025 Christian prayer service he held at the Pentagon (announced at the time as the beginning of a monthly gathering), he introduced the pastor from his home church in Tennessee, Brooks Potteiger, who read passages from the Bible, repeatedly making connections to present-day military combat. 

What are the troops saying?

Veterans groups have been voicing complaints on behalf of service members who have complained anonymously about Hegseth's use of Christian extremist rhetoric tied to the war in Iran.

Some have said it doesn't reflect their interpretation of the Bible, and others say it violates the constitutionally protected freedom of religion.

What has the Pope said?

"We will keep pushing, keep advancing, no quarter, no mercy for our enemies," Hegseth said in March in one of his more controversial statements that seemed to have been the catalyst for the Pope to weigh in on the US administration’s military actions in the Middle East.

Pope Leo said that God does not listen to leaders who wage war and who have hands full of blood.

"This is our God: Jesus, king of peace, who rejects war, whom no one can use to justify war," the Pope told worshippers at a Palm Sunday service, following Hegseth's remarks. "He does not listen to the prayers of those who wage war, but rejects them."

Could Hegseth be the next one to step down?

In April, House Democrats filed articles of impeachment against Hegseth, making serious allegations about his conduct in the US war in Iran and his leadership more broadly. The articles of impeachment, led by Representative Yassamin Ansari of Arizona (herself of Iranian origin), are the following: lacking the legal authority to go to war against Iran; not going through Congress for approval; not having clear objectives and exposing US forces to danger; taking unnecessary risks, thereby putting the US military in the region at risk; and demonstrating a willful disregard for the constitution.

Last week, lawmakers grilled Hegseth on his recent dismissal of blacks and women in the military, suggesting a motive of bias, as well as what some see as inserting Christian nationalism into the military.

It is unlikely that the resolution or hearings will lead to any changes, given the Republican majority in Congress. However, this is one of many signs of growing discontent with Hegseth's performance as War Secretary, a position he consistently links to his faith.

Israel-based NGO Adalah said the court's decision to extend the detention of Saif Abu Keshek and Thiago Avila was "a judicial legitimisation" of the state's violation of the law. It noted that it would "immediately file an appeal with the Central Court [in Ashkelon] to challenge this decision and demand [their] immediate and unconditional release".

Mutasem Zeidan, a spokesperson for Adalah, told The New Arab earlier that an Israeli court was set to hold a hearing on Tuesday to consider prolonging the detention the Global Sumud Flotilla's activists, who were taken for questioning after being detained in international waters near Greece late on 29 April.

They were among roughly 180 people abducted when Israeli forces intercepted the vessel around 600 nautical miles from Gaza.

The NGO on Sunday said Brazilian national Avila had received death threats and faces the prospect of "over 100 years in prison".

The organisation also said in a statement on Monday that both Avila and Abu Kheshek had been subjected to various forms of abuse and torture while in custody. Both activists are currently on hunger strike.

During a previous hearing on Sunday, Adalah said state prosecutors had presented a list of alleged offences, including "assisting the enemy during wartime" and "membership in and providing services to a terrorist organisation".

The accusations reportedly relate to alleged links with the Popular Conference for Palestinians Abroad (PCPA), which Washington claims has ties to Hamas.

Hadeel Abu Saleh and Lubna Touma, lawyers representing the activists, argued that the charges against them were baseless and that there were no legal justifications for their continued detention.

Spain’s foreign ministry has called for the "immediate release" of Abu Kheshek, a Spanish-Palestinian national, describing his detention as unlawful.

"This is a case of illegal detention in international waters, outside the jurisdiction of Israeli authorities," Spain’s foreign minister José Manuel Albares said in an interview with public radio over the weekend. "I have made this clear to my Israeli counterpart."

The case comes amid strained relations between Madrid and Tel Aviv, following efforts by Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez’s government to distance itself from Israel. Sanchez has been openly critical of Israel’s genocide in Gaza and formally recognised Palestinian statehood in 2024.

The attack reportedly hit storage facilities linked to Vitol, a major player in global fuel supply. The strike has raised concerns across shipping markets, with war risk insurance premiums for some vessels rising to as much as 5% of a ship's value, or roughly $7.5 million per voyage.

The incident has highlighted Fujairah's strategic importance as a critical oil-export and logistics hub outside the Strait of Hormuz.

Why is Fujairah's location so important?

Fujairah sits on the UAE's eastern coast along the Gulf of Oman, giving it direct access to the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean. Crucially, it lies around 70 nautical miles outside the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow chokepoint through which roughly 20 million barrels of oil pass each day, accounting for about a fifth of global seaborne oil trade.

Its location allows the UAE to bypass the strait entirely, maintaining exports even during periods of heightened tension or disruption. With shipping through Hormuz severely restricted during the current conflict, Fujairah has become an increasingly vital outlet for energy flows.

Why does Fujairah matter to global oil markets?

Fujairah is not only strategically located but also a major player in global energy supply. The port exported more than 1.7 million barrels per day of crude oil and refined fuels on average last year, equivalent to around 1.7% of global daily demand.

It is also one of the world's largest bunkering hubs, selling about 7.4 million cubic metres of marine fuel in 2025, ranking behind only Singapore, Rotterdam and Zhoushan in China.

The port hosts major international storage and trading companies, including VTTI, Vitol, ADNOC and Vopak, and serves as a key centre for blending petroleum products used in global markets.

How has the UAE built resilience around Fujairah?

The UAE has reinforced Fujairah's role through major infrastructure investments, most notably the Abu Dhabi Crude Oil Pipeline (ADCOP), which began operations in 2012.

Stretching roughly 400 kilometres, the pipeline links Abu Dhabi's oil fields directly to Fujairah, with a capacity of up to 1.5 million barrels per day, expandable to 1.8 million barrels per day.

During the current crisis, exports through Fujairah have surged, with volumes at times reaching 1.6-1.9 million barrels per day.

The port also has a storage capacity of around 18 million cubic metres, making it one of the world’s largest hubs for crude oil and refined fuel storage.

With the Strait of Hormuz largely closed, Fujairah has become essential for the UAE, OPEC's third-largest producer. Any major disruption at the port could force the country to reduce production due to limited export routes.

What additional protections are in place?

In 2019, the UAE launched a major project to build underground oil storage caverns in Fujairah, designed to hold up to 42 million barrels of crude. Known as the "Al Mandous" project, the facility consists of three large rock caverns carved into the mountains.

Built by South Korea's SK Group at a cost exceeding $1.2 billion, the site is designed to withstand attacks, including drone and cruise missile strikes, offering greater protection than conventional storage tanks.

While the first phase has been completed, reports suggest a planned expansion has been paused since mid-2025 as the UAE prioritises strengthening air defence systems around key energy infrastructure.

Why is Fujairah also a key logistics hub?

Fujairah's role extends beyond oil. Its position along major shipping routes linking Asia, Africa and Europe has turned it into an important centre for re-export and maritime services, particularly when tensions disrupt other Gulf ports.

The port's significance has also grown for energy-importing countries such as India, which relies on imports for more than 85% of its crude needs.

With supplies from Iraq, Kuwait and Qatar disrupted during the crisis, Indian refiners have increasingly turned to oil from the UAE and Saudi Arabia shipped via Fujairah and Yanbu.

In April, UAE oil exports to India rose to around 619,000 barrels per day, marking a 43% increase from previous averages.

The Sudanese government has accused Ethiopia of being behind recent drone attacks on sites including Khartoum airport and recalled its ambassador on Tuesday.

A military spokesperson in Sudan said the government has evidence that four drone strikes that have happened since 1 March came from Ethiopia’s Bahir Dar airport. It also accused the United Arab Emirates of supplying the drones.

The Sudanese military has been at war with a paramilitary group known as the Rapid Support Forces since April 2023, when the RSF stormed the capital. The battles have now shifted towards more drone warfare concentrating in the Kordofan and Blue Nile states.

Sudan has long accused the UAE of supporting the RSF, and UN experts and rights groups have also accused it of providing arms to the group. The UAE has rejected the accusation.

The most recent attack came on Monday and targeted the airport in Sudan's capital Khartoum. The previous attacks were launched towards the Sudanese states of Kordofan, Blue Nile and White Nile.

Army spokesman Brig. Gen. Asim Awad Abdelwahab said at a Tuesday press conference that the government had analysed data and evidence from a drone that entered Sudanese airspace heading for El-Obeid in Kordofan state on 17 March, and found that that it had originated from the United Arab Emirates and took off from Ethiopia.

"We do not want to initiate aggression against any country, but whoever attacks us will be met with a response," Sudanese Foreign Minister Mohi al-Din Salem said in the joint presser.

The airport’s gradual reopening last year marked a key step in efforts to restore normal life in Khartoum, with ministries and millions of people starting their return back to the capital and surrounding states. The UN migration agency said that around four million people have returned back to Sudan.

Drone attacks have happened frequently in the war, but Khartoum was considered largely safe until a string of attacks shattered the sense of calm in the capital and central Sudan.

A drone strike Saturday in Omdurman, the capital's sister city, killed five people in a civilian bus and another strike Sunday in central Sudan state of Al Jazirah killed family members, of Abu Agla Kaikal, a commander with the Sudan Shield Forces, a group allied with the Sudanese military, who defected from the RSF earlier in the war.

At least 59,000 people have been killed in this war, according to Armed Conflict Location & Event Data, an independent conflict-monitoring body. Aid groups, however, say the true toll could be much higher, as access to areas of fighting across the vast country remains limited.

The assessments of Tehran's nuclear programme remain broadly unchanged even after two months of a war that US President Donald Trump launched in part to stop the Islamic Republic from developing a nuclear bomb.

The latest US and Israeli attacks that began on 28 February have focused on conventional military targets, but Israel has hit a number of significant nuclear facilities.

The unchanged timeline suggests that significantly impeding Tehran's nuclear programme may require destroying or removing Iran's remaining stockpile of highly enriched uranium, or HEU.

The war has stalled since the US and Iran agreed an 7 April truce to pursue peace. Tensions remain high as both sides appear deeply divided, and as Iran has choked traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, blocking some 20 percent of world oil supplies and igniting a global energy crisis.

Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has said publicly that the US aims to ensure Iran does not obtain a nuclear weapon via ongoing negotiations with Tehran.

US intelligence agencies had concluded prior to June's 12-day war that Iran likely could produce enough bomb-grade uranium for a weapon and build a bomb in around three to six months, said two of the sources, all of whom requested anonymity to discuss US intelligence.

Following the June strikes by the US that hit the Natanz, Fordow and Isfahan nuclear complexes, US intelligence estimates pushed that timeline back to about nine months to a year, said the two sources and a person familiar with the assessments.

The attacks destroyed or badly damaged the three enrichment plants known to have been operating at the time. But the UN nuclear watchdog has been unable to verify the whereabouts of some 440 kilogrammes of uranium enriched to 60 percent. It believes that about half was stored in an underground tunnel complex at the Isfahan Nuclear Research Center, but it has been unable to confirm that since inspections were suspended.

The International Atomic Energy Agency assesses the total HEU stockpile would be enough for 10 bombs if further enriched.

"While Operation Midnight Hammer obliterated Iran’s nuclear facilities, Operation Epic Fury built on this success by decimating Iran’s defence industrial base that they once leveraged as a protective shield around their pursuit of a nuclear weapon," said White House spokeswoman Olivia Wales, referring to the June operation and the latest war that began in February.

"President Trump has long been clear that Iran can never have a nuclear weapon – and he does not bluff."

The Office of the Director of National Intelligence did not respond to a request for comment.

Stopping Tehran's nuclear programme a key US goal

US officials, including Trump, repeatedly cite the need to eliminate Iran's nuclear programme as a key objective of the war.

"Iran can never be allowed to obtain a nuclear weapon. That is the goal of this operation,⁩" Vice President JD Vance wrote on X on 2 March.

The unchanging estimate of how long it would take Iran to build such a weapon reflects in part the focus of the latest US and Israeli military campaign, the sources said.

While Israel has struck nuclear-related targets, including a uranium-processing facility in late March, US attacks have concentrated on conventional military capabilities, Iran's leadership and its military-industrial base.

The unchanged estimates may also stem from a lack of major nuclear targets that can be readily and safely destroyed following June's military action, according to some analysts.

Eric Brewer, a former senior US intelligence analyst who led assessments of Iran's nuclear programme, said it was not surprising that the assessments have not changed because recent US strikes have not prioritised nuclear-related targets.

"Iran still possesses all of its nuclear material, as far as we know," said Brewer, vice president of the nuclear materials study programme at the Nuclear Threat Initiative arms control think tank. "That material is probably located in deeply buried underground sites where US munitions can't penetrate."

In recent weeks, US officials have contemplated dangerous operations which would significantly impede Iran's nuclear efforts. Those options include ground raids to retrieve the HEU believed to be stored in the tunnel complex at the Isfahan site.

Iran has repeatedly denied seeking nuclear weapons. US intelligence agencies and the IAEA say Tehran halted a warhead development effort in 2003, though some experts and Israel contend that it secretly preserved key parts of the programme.

Possible impact from killing of scientists

Precisely evaluating Iran's nuclear capacity is difficult, even for the world's leading intelligence services, say experts.

Several US intelligence agencies have independently studied Iran's nuclear programme, and while the sources described a broad consensus regarding Iran's capacity to build a nuclear weapon, outlying assessments do occur.

It is possible Iran's nuclear ambitions have been set back further than the intelligence estimates suggest.

Some officials, including US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, have argued that US strikes on Iranian air defences have reduced the nuclear threat by diminishing Iran's ability to defend its nuclear sites should it decide to rush toward weaponisation in the future.

There also is the impact of Israel's assassinations of Iran's leading nuclear scientists.

David Albright, a former UN nuclear inspector who runs the Institute for Science and International Security, said the killings have added significant uncertainty to Tehran's ability to build a bomb that would function as intended.

"I think everyone agrees knowledge can't be bombed, but know-how certainly can be destroyed," he said. 

The US military said on Monday it destroyed six Iranian small boats, as well as cruise missiles and drones, after President Donald Trump sent the navy to escort stranded tankers through the strait in a campaign he called "Project Freedom".

Iran's parliament speaker, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, said in a social media post on Tuesday that the security of shipping and energy transit had been threatened by breaches of the four-week-old ceasefire by the US and its allies.

Several merchant ships in the Gulf reported explosions or fires on Monday, and an oil port in the United Arab Emirates, which hosts a large US military base, was set ablaze by Iranian missiles.

Conflicting reports

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Monday's events showed there was no military solution to the crisis. He said peace talks were progressing with Pakistan's mediation, and warned the US and the UAE against being drawn into a "quagmire".

The US military said two US merchant ships made it through the strait, without saying when, with the support of Navy guided-missile destroyers.

While Iran denied any crossings had taken place, Maersk said the Alliance Fairfax, a US-flagged ship, exited the Gulf via the Strait of Hormuz, accompanied by the US military, on Monday.

The commander of US forces in the region said his fleet had destroyed six small Iranian boats, which Iran also denied. Iranian media quoted a military commander as saying US forces targeted civilian boats, killing five civilians.

Iran also said on Monday it had fired on a US warship approaching the strait, forcing it to turn around. Iranian officials later described the fire as warning shots.

South Korea reported that one of its merchant ships, HMM Namu, in the strait suffered an explosion and fire in its engine room, though no one aboard was hurt. A South Korean government spokesperson said it was unclear if the fire was caused by an attack. Also on Monday, the British maritime security agency UKMTO reported two ships had been hit off the coast of the UAE, and the Emirati oil company ADNOC said one of its empty oil tankers was hit by Iranian drones.

After incidents involving South Korean vessels, Trump took to Truth Social to suggest that it was "time for South Korea to come and join the mission”. However, South Korea has sent mixed messages about whether it will participate in "Project Freedom".

Yonhap News Agency, citing a senior official in the presidential office, said that any military involvement would require approval from the UN Security Council and South Korea's National Assembly.

Elsewhere, South Korea's Blue House said the presidential office is reviewing whether the country can participate in "Project Freedom", Newsis reported.

UAE oil port ablaze

Iranian authorities released a map of what they said was an expanded sea area now under their control, extending far beyond the strait to include long stretches of the UAE's coastline.

After reported drone and missile attacks inside the UAE throughout the day, including one that caused a fire at Fujairah, an important oil port, the UAE said Iranian attacks marked a serious escalation, and it reserved the right to respond.

Fujairah lies beyond the strait, making it one of few export routes for Middle East oil that does not require passing through it.

Iran's state television network said military officials had confirmed they attacked the UAE in response to the "US military's adventurism".

The attack drew condemnations from Gulf and Arab states, and well as the UAE's allies beyond the region. Anwar Gargash, senior advisor to the UAE's president, said the messages "confirm that Iran is the aggressor and is responsible for escalating the crisis in the Gulf region", adding that Iran is the "source of danger and threats" to the region's stability.

Early on Tuesday, oil prices eased 1% after climbing by as much as 6% in the previous session on signs the US Navy is loosening Iran's grip on the Strait of Hormuz.

States urge return to talks

Diplomacy between Washington and Tehran has been deadlocked since the ceasefire, with the United States twice aborting plans for senior officials to attend talks in Pakistan.

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz implored Tehran to "return to the negotiating table and stop holding the region and the world hostage", echoing calls from French President Emmanuel Macron and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer.

Saudi Arabia, a key US ally whose energy infrastructure has been hit by Iran, joined the calls on Tuesday to de-escalate and called for "diplomatic efforts to reach a political solution".

The UAE’s defence ministry said it intercepted 15 missiles and four drones launched from Iran, marking the first such attack on the Emirates since Iran and the United States agreed to a ceasefire on 8 April.

One drone strike sparked a large fire at the Fujairah Petroleum Industries Zone, wounding three Indian nationals. Another attack targeted an empty crude oil tanker belonging to the UAE’s national oil firm as it transited the Strait of Hormuz.

The UAE strongly condemned the attacks, calling them "a dangerous escalation and an unacceptable transgression, posing a direct threat to the state's security, stability, and the safety of its territories". The foreign ministry added that the UAE "reserves its full and legitimate right to respond to these attacks".

Tehran, meanwhile, said it had "no pre-planned programme" to target oil facilities in the region. An Iranian military official told state television that "military adventurism" was to blame, while Foreign Minister Abbas Aragchi warned the US and UAE against being drawn into a "quagmire by ill-wishers".

UAE attack draws widespread condemnation

Arab and international actors swiftly condemned the strikes, warning that the escalation risks undermining an already fragile truce.

The Gulf Cooperation Council denounced the attack on the Emirati oil tanker, with Secretary-General Jassim Mohammed Al Badawi warning that continued incidents threaten regional stability and security.

Saudi Arabia said it was "concerned about the current military escalation in the region", stressing "the necessity of de-escalation, restraint, and avoiding further escalation". In a statement, Riyadh also affirmed Pakistan’s diplomatic efforts to reach a political solution.

Qatar reiterated its "full solidarity" with the UAE, describing the attacks as a "blatant violation of the UAE’s sovereignty and a serious threat to the security and stability of the region".

Bahrain’s foreign ministry described the incidents as "Iranian terrorist attacks", while Kuwait condemned what it called "reprehensible aggression".

Jordan’s foreign minister, Ayman Safadi, reaffirmed "absolute solidarity" with the UAE during a call with his Emirati counterpart, Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan, condemning the "renewed Iranian attacks on the UAE".

International partners also issued strong criticism.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said the attacks constituted "a clear violation of sovereignty and international law", calling them "unacceptable" and stressing that "security in the Gulf region has direct consequences for Europe".

UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer urged Iran to "engage meaningfully in negotiations to ensure the ceasefire in the Middle East endures", while French President Emmanuel Macron said Paris would "continue to support its allies in the Emirates and in the region for the defence of their territory".

Pakistan, which has been mediating talks between Washington and Tehran, also condemned the strikes. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif said on X that it remains "absolutely essential that the ceasefire be upheld and respected, to allow necessary diplomatic space for dialogue leading to enduring peace and stability in the region".

"It was Metoprolol, 50mg," she tells The New Arab, "Enalapril, 5mg, Eliquis, 2.5mg, Salbutamol, an inhaler, Aspirin, 100mg."

But when Elly asked the Israeli occupation soldiers if she could access medication to tend to fellow participants, the Belgian doctor with 20 years of medical experience was violently slapped across her face. 

Elly is one of roughly 180 people who were kidnapped in international waters by Israel late on 29 April after the Global Sumud Flotilla was unexpectedly intercepted off the coast of Greece.

They were 600 nautical miles away from Gaza. After almost 40 hours in detention in unsanitary conditions, all but two of the activists were 'dumped' on the island of Crete, some without passports, most without phones or access to credit cards. Many nationalities say their consulates have been largely absent. 

Elly now stands outside a large squat in Heraklion, where the local activist movement quickly mobilised to help stranded participants.

"People here of the squat, they came," Elly paused, composing herself as she considered the act of kindness. "And then they say, 'here is coffee, here is tea, here is cigarettes, here is your clothing, we have spaces here to sleep… that was important."

Detained, injured, and deciding what comes next

Days after the interception, dozens of activists remain in Crete as the organisation regroups and assesses next steps.

The roughly 30 ships remain anchored offshore near Ierapetra, and boats elsewhere are gearing up to sail. But those who went through the recent detainment are still processing what happened, and what to do next.

Despite a great sense of resilience, many also hold traumatic memories of their time on the Israeli prison boat, which appears to have been meticulously built to hold large groups of people long before the interception. 

"On top of the container, they circled us with guns," Elly remembered, counting almost 20 Israeli soldiers circling the barbed-wire-laced containers.

When the soldiers singled out Saif Abu Keshek, one of the GSF steering committee leaders, Elly said: "We heard him being beaten… we started chanting, 'free our comrades, free our comrades', and the soldiers were dancing to our chanting."

Many participants were subjected to violence by Israeli soldiers while being detained.

Mallorcan crewmember Àngel Benítez says his boat sent out mayday signals as the Israeli military approached, but "we did not receive any replies." Àngel is now recovering in Crete; his left arm hangs in a sling after Israeli soldiers singled him out. 

"They checked my whole body, abused me, took off my pants," says the 29-year-old secondmate.

"They hit me in my shoulders, and then they tied my hands behind my back… that's why my shoulder is dislocated," he explains. 

"I was very afraid to lose my life and not see my comrades again," he continued. "I was very happy, once they isolated me, to hear the protest of all the comrades who were protesting in the boat for our liberation." 

As well as Elly, Àngel was one of 34 people who required medical attention after being dropped ashore, but even on land their ordeal was far from over.

"The coast guards were lying to us all the time about where we were going," the Spanish activist continued, "how we were going to get there, if they would give us our passports or not, because that was our priority."

Patients were eventually seen at Sitia Hospital, and three were even taken for CT scans at a larger medical facility. 

Sitting in a well-lit room of the sprawling community-run building with foam mattresses spread across the floor, Àngel considers what to do next.

Everyone is worried for the two GSF members who remain detained by Israel: Brazilian organiser Thiago de Ávila and Spanish-Swedish national of Palestinian descent, Saif Abu Keshek. 

"I'm evaluating if I stay on land and help with the organisers and land mobilisations for the liberation of Saif and Tiago," Àngel adds. "Or continue with the mission and continue sailing with my companions." 

Testimony of abuse

After speaking to The New Arab, Àngel is embraced by fellow activist Richard Walter in an emotional moment of solidarity.

Richard, a third-generation Holocaust survivor who identifies as an "anti-Zionist Jew", was also subjected to violence by Israeli soldiers, pulling up his trouser leg to reveal where he was wounded by what he believes was a rubber bullet. But for the Hungarian national, the psychological wounds may take longer to heal. 

"I was the first one they took into solitary confinement," he says. "While being kidnapped, I was beaten. While taken into solitary confinement, I was beaten… the whole journey I spent in solitary confinement."

Wearing just a t-shirt, he recalls they kept the air conditioning in the windowless cell at 16 degrees. 

The first time he was reunited with his comrades was when the captives were handed over to the Greek coast guard and taken ashore.

But the uncertainties appeared to continue on land. "Greece is not complicit, it's actively participating in this," Richard continued.  

"We got off the bus in the middle of the night. No one knew that we were arriving," he recalled about finally arriving in Heraklion.

"There was first a Ukrainian person from the consulate arriving, then there was the Italian, the Dutch delegation, step by step arriving," he said — though not all citizens were able to contact their representatives.

Like everyone here, he credits the local activist community for offering a lifeline at the time.

"I really want to highlight the amazing companionship of this safe house that is here in Heraklion," Richard added.

"They are helping us with everything."

Bearing witness 

Many participants likely face a long journey ahead as they come to terms with what happened and decide what to do next.

Most are returning to the harbour, repairing damaged boats and hoping to press ahead with breaking the siege on Gaza.

Elly wants to see the boat she travelled on one last time before she returns to work in Belgium. Richard is planning to return to Hungary to resume his activism, while Angel grapples with where he can best help with the mission ahead.

The memories of the ordeal may also take time to process. 

"I still don't want to sleep alone," Richard admitted. "Whenever a door is opening, whenever a bang is happening… I still have major  PTSD."

Yet amid such violence, the GSF participants haven't lost sight of a much bigger concern.

Everyone that The New Arab interviewed said their experience is nothing compared to the ongoing struggle faced by Palestinians every single day.

Palestinian people are subjected to daily brutality in both Gaza and the West Bank, with Israel recently passing a law enabling the death penalty for Palestinian prisoners convicted on "terrorism-related" offences.

At least 400 Palestinians imprisoned by Israel are currently children. 

"The psychological trauma that they are putting on all of us," Richard continued, "is incomparable to those more than 9,000 Palestinian hostages that they have in prison.

"We are also human, and we have to recognise our own traumas in these situations. The damage that these people were doing is just... They're not people." 

Tamara Davison is a British freelance journalist reporting across the Middle East on humanitarian issues, post-conflict resolution and migration. She is currently in Syros reporting on the flotilla mission

Follow her on Instagram: @tamaradavison_

The controversy began after Norwegian broadcaster TV2 aired a recording of Harek Hansen, an adviser to Progress Party MP Simen Velle, making the remarks during a conversation in an Oslo bar.

In the recording, Hansen said "successful white people" should have more children, while Pakistanis were "measurably below average" and should not expand their families.

The comments drew swift condemnation across Norway's political establishment, with Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre calling them "pure racism" and demanding a clear response from the party.

Listhaug, whose party has been gaining ground in opinion polls and positioning itself as a leading force on the right, initially avoided addressing the remarks directly.

By Sunday, mounting pressure forced her to distance the party from Hansen's comments, saying they violated both its policies and "basic human values".

"There is no room for this type of racist expression," she said, adding that the matter would be handled internally.

Hansen later apologised, describing the comments as "vulgar and stupid drunkenness", but the explanation has done little to contain the fallout, particularly given that the remarks were made in front of journalists and recorded.

The episode has exposed a gap between the party's mainstream positioning and the language used by figures within its orbit. The Progress Party has sought to broaden its appeal in recent years while maintaining a hardline approach to immigration.

Listhaug herself has previously drawn scrutiny over her rhetoric on integration, including remarks as a minister telling Muslim immigrants they must "adapt" to Norwegian norms such as drinking alcohol and eating pork.

The party has built much of its support on stricter immigration policies, including limits on arrivals from parts of the Middle East, Africa and Asia, and debates around immigration and Islam have remained a central feature of Norwegian politics.

The timing is particularly sensitive, with the Progress Party performing strongly in polls and seeking to expand its electoral base.

Norway has a population of around 5.6 million people, with Muslims making up about 3.4%, including roughly 40,000 to 48,000 people of Pakistani background.

The Gulf Arab state's foreign ministry said in a statement that the attacks were "a serious escalation" and posed a direct threat to the state's security, adding that the UAE reserved its "full and legitimate right" to respond.

On Monday evening, the UAE had said its air defences were engaging missile and drone threats as firefighters battled a blaze at a major oil industry zone following a drone attack that authorities said had originated from Iran

This comes as the UAE accused Iran of launching attacks n its territory on Monday, which Tehran did not deny, but said were a result of "US military's adventurism".

Also on Tuesday, the United States said it was "not looking for a fight" over the Strait of Hormuz and its ceasefire with Iran still holds, but any attack on commercial shipping will be met with a "devastating" response, the Pentagon chief said.

The warning from Pete Hegseth came on the second day of a US effort to facilitate the transit of commercial ships through the Strait of Hormuz, which Iran had closed in response to the US-Israeli war against the Islamic republic.

"We're not looking for a fight. But Iran also cannot be allowed to block innocent countries and their goods from an international waterway," Hegseth told reporters.

"If you attack American troops or innocent commercial shipping, you will face overwhelming and devastating American firepower," the Pentagon chief said.

Top US military officer General Dan Caine meanwhile said US forces are ready to resume major combat operations against Iran if ordered to do so.

The ceasefire between Iran and the US is considerably under more threat, following the latest escalation in  attacks in the region and escalating tensions in the Strait of Hormuz have left the truce crumbling.

On Monday, three Israeli military vehicles entered the Wadi al-Raqad area in western Daraa countryside, where they established a temporary checkpoint on the valley's bridge, Syria TV reported.

According to the Army of Free Tribes, a rebel coalition affiliated with the Free Syria Army, the incursion lasted only a short time before the forces withdrew from the area, without any reported arrests or clashes with local residents.

On Sunday, the Israeli military reportedly advanced further into southern Syria. Soldiers reportedly pushed forward towards the Yarmouk Basin area in the Daraa countryside, activists told The New Arab, after witnessing an Israeli patrol consisting of five vehicles arriving at the Jamla outpost, a former regime military position in the area.

Muhammad al-Masalmeh said that the Israeli force remained inside the outpost for some time before withdrawing towards the Saida-Hanout-Wadi al-Raqad road.

This comes amid an increase in Israeli incursions into southern Syria, ongoing frequently since the ouster of Bashar al-Assad’s regime by rebels in December 2024.

The Sijil Centre for Human Rights documented an escalation in violations by Israeli forces in April, with a total of 254 violations, the second-highest monthly toll since the beginning of the year after March.

​According to the report, the majority of these violations were concentrated in Quneitra Governorate, where 213 cases were recorded, amidst extensive military activity that included ground incursions, raids, and the establishment of checkpoints.

The Daraa Governorate came in second with 32 violations, although the nature of the operations there was more serious, as they included shelling, incursions, and intensive aerial activity. In the Damascus countryside and Suweida, the violations were mainly limited to aerial activity, according to the report.

The same month saw the first killing of a Syrian civilian since November 2025, when Osama al-Fahd was killed on 3 April, after being directly targeted while herding sheep in the village of Al-Zaroura in southern Quneitra.

According to the report, ground incursions topped the list of violations with 76 operations, mostly carried out by military patrols supported by armoured vehicles. These incursions included raids on villages, road closures, and, in some cases, indiscriminate gunfire. This was followed by 71 instances of military and reconnaissance flights, occurring almost daily along the ceasefire line. These flights were sometimes linked to the interception of Iranian missiles and drones.

Other violations included indiscriminate gunfire, targeting of livestock and herders, bulldozing of agricultural land, and the fortification and expansion of military sites.

At least 15 kidnappings were reported, mostly of shepherds and civilians near the front lines. Most of those kidnapped were later released, while one person has been in detention since last month.

Around 23 temporary checkpoints were erected throughout the month, which saw the Israeli military carry out thorough searches and inspections of mobile phones.

Eight artillery bombardments were also recorded in the Daraa and Quneitra countryside.

The Sijil Centre said 36 Syrian civilians have been killed during Israeli incursions since December 2024. According to the group, the detention of civilians also continued at a significant rate, with 197 people detained by Israeli occupation forces since, with 45 of whom remain in detention.

Following the overthrow of the Assad regime, Israeli forces invaded the demilitarised buffer zone in southwestern Syria, refusing to leave the territory, all while carrying out attacks seeking to weaken the Syrian armed forces.

Israel took advantage of the power vacuum left by the removal of the Assad regime, and the subsequent transitional period that took place, breaking the 1974 Agreement on Disengagement between Israel and Syria and increasing the size of the territory controlled there.

Israel’s presence in southern Syria has been repeatedly condemned by Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa.

Fujairah's media office said a "large fire broke out" at the Fujairah Oil Industry Zone following what it said was an Iranian drone attack. Emergency services were deployed to contain the blaze, it said.

The strike came amid rising tensions in the Gulf on the back of US President Donald Trump's plan to deploy US warships near the Strait of Hormuz.

Oil prices surged more than six percent on the news, as anxieties increased over a potential resumption of the war.

The UAE faced several waves of missile and drone attacks on Monday afternoon. The defence ministry said it had intercepted three missiles shortly before authorities announced the strike on the oil facility.

Iran's military on Sunday warned ships anchored in the UAE's Ras al-Khaimah to move to Dubai. Hours later, a tanker was struck by a projectile off the coast of Fujairah.

Trump announced Sunday that the US Navy would help guide stranded vessels through the strait, triggering fresh warnings from Iran's military, which vowed to attack any US ships entering the area.

Both countries contested the ensuing events in the region, with Iran denying US claims and American warships and commercial vessels having passed through the strait.

A US official earlier rejected reports in Iranian media that missiles had struck a US Navy ship near the strategic waterway.

Iran has choked traffic through the shipping corridor since the US-Israel attack on 28 February and has tried to impose transit fees on ships exiting the Gulf.

The closure has shut in vital supplies of oil, gas and fertilisers and triggered a global energy crisis.

It has also trapped more than 2,000 ships in the Gulf for almost 10 weeks.

The UAE bore the brunt of Iran's attacks during the six-week war, shooting down hundreds of missiles and drones and suffering significant damage to its energy infrastructure.

On 1 May, the UAE officially left both, marking a significant shake-up for the organisation that coordinates oil production among some of the world’s largest producers. Just two days later, the UAE exited the Organisation of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries.

Having joined OPEC in 1967 through the Emirate of Abu Dhabi, the UAE long stood among the cartel’s most influential members. Given its rank as OPEC’s third-largest producer and OPEC+'s fourth, the UAE’s exit removes a key swing producer, weakening the group’s responsiveness to market changes.

As the world’s eighth-largest oil producer, the UAE, alongside its long-serving energy minister Suhail Al Mazrouei, consistently played a leading role in negotiation and dialogue.

In periods of tension, frequently involving founding member Iran, the UAE was often relied upon to help defuse conflict, serving as an effective mediator.

The UAE’s departure will allow the country to increase its oil output independently, especially once exports through the Strait of Hormuz resume, with potential ramifications for the balance of power in global energy markets.

The decision follows a comprehensive review of the UAE’s energy strategy, with Al Mazrouei emphasising that Abu Dhabi made this move to advance the UAE’s national interests.

While the UAE has long respected Saudi Arabia’s leadership within the group, Abu Dhabi seeks greater flexibility to pursue ambitious production goals, including achieving five million barrels per day by 2027.

The exit comes amid regional tensions, including Iranian missile and drone attacks on military and civilian targets in the UAE following the launch of America and Israel’s war on the Islamic Republic in late February, and the subsequent dual blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, which has constrained the UAE’s oil exports.

Beyond the immediate market implications, the UAE’s exit underscores a broader geopolitical shift.

The UAE has strengthened ties with the United States and Israel, carving out its own influence in the Middle East and Africa, and distancing itself from Saudi Arabia on key economic and geopolitical issues such as Somalia and Somaliland, Sudan, Israel and Palestine, and Yemen.

For OPEC, the departure of one of its few members with significant spare production capacity raises questions about the sustainability of the organisation’s role as a stabiliser in global oil markets, while consumers and economies could benefit from potential increases in supply.

A push for greater autonomy from Saudi influence

The US-Israeli war on Iran was not the proximate cause for the UAE’s decision to leave OPEC. However, it seems that the war gave Abu Dhabi the chance to take this action, which it had spent years mulling.

“The UAE had long been pondering an exit from OPEC, but the war accelerated a shift already underway in pursuit of strategic autonomy away from OPEC discipline and toward even closer alignment with the US,” said Dr Sanam Vakil, the director of the Middle East and North Africa Programme at Chatham House, in an interview with The New Arab.

To understand the UAE’s quest to break away from a Saudi-dominated institution such as OPEC, it is necessary to consider the historical context.

Patrick Theros, the former US ambassador to Qatar, explained that an Emirati view of the Saudi state as “predatory” has long informed the UAE’s perspective on the Kingdom.

“Historically, the smaller states of the Gulf have depended on alliances with major outside powers to protect themselves from whoever governs the Nejd. The Nejdi tribes have constantly attacked, whether for booty or for conquest, since time immemorial. The modern Saudi state sent the White Army to occupy Buraimi (Al-Ain) in 1952, almost precipitating a US versus UK war,” he told TNA.

“The UAE has decided it will not depend so much on foreign assistance but confront the Kingdom on its own. UAE support for Yemeni separatists and the Saudi reaction should be seen in this light. Pulling out of OPEC not only has some important economic advantages for the UAE. It does not have to conform to Saudi-imposed quotas, but reduces Saudi influence in the Gulf,” added Theros.

Exiting OPEC was a clear signal from the UAE that it will no longer remain in Saudi Arabia’s shadow or simply follow Riyadh’s lead. Abu Dhabi intends to act decisively in accordance with Emirati national interests, a stance that now shapes nearly every facet of the UAE’s policies.

The UAE’s exit from OPEC challenges the Saudi-led status quo in the Arab region. It was not lost on observers that the UAE’s announced withdrawal from the cartel occurred the same day that an emergency Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) summit was held in Jeddah for the purpose of addressing the Iranian threat to Gulf Arab states.

As a consequence of the Emirati announcement, the international press focused on Abu Dhabi’s exit from OPEC instead of the GCC summit’s affirmation of a “unified Gulf stance” against Tehran’s aggression.

“It's not meant to be provocative against the Saudis, but it is a demonstration that the UAE is no longer willing to let Riyadh take the lead and simply follow dutifully,” explained Dr Hussein Ibish, a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute, in a TNA interview.

“Over the past year we have been seeing that in almost every field in which the two countries find themselves in competition, and Abu Dhabi's withdrawal from OPEC+ is another indication that the UAE is following its own drummer because the quotas that were being allowed via membership in that Saudi-dominated organisation, with Russia as a close secondary partner, were not sufficient for the UAE's point of view,” he added.

The UAE aims to capitalise on and sell its oil as quickly as possible, whereas most other major exporters prioritise conserving their reserves, selling more gradually to maximise long-term value.

“The UAE is so far along in its economic diversification program that it no longer feels bound to highly limited quotas designed to preserve existing stocks and instead wants to ‘drill, baby drill,’ as fossil fuel enthusiasts in the US put it,” said Dr Ibish.

Impact on OPEC and global oil markets

In 2025, the UAE accounted for approximately three percent of global oil exports and about 12 percent of total OPEC exports, while OPEC as a whole supplied roughly 36 percent of the world’s oil exports.

In this context, the removal of UAE exports would be unlikely to greatly diminish OPEC’s overall influence on global oil markets. For the UAE, however, the advantages appear significant, as greater autonomy would allow it to fully utilise its existing production capacity and pursue further expansion of its export capabilities.

“We are still at least a decade or more away from alternative energy making an impact on demand for oil and gas globally,” noted Theros. “So long as Saudi Arabia and Russia cooperate and the Chinese market remains stable, OPEC will still be the oil market-maker.”

Nonetheless, the UAE’s exit is likely to complicate OPEC+’s ability to establish and sustain stable price floors and ceilings, which has been an objective central to the expanded group’s formation under Saudi and Russian leadership.

“OPEC + will probably still be able to establish floors and ceilings for oil prices globally but it's going to be harder to maintain them and they will probably try to convince the UAE to rejoin at some future date with enhanced quotas, especially if they find that the loss of the UAE is a crucial obstacle to effective establishment of satisfactory floors and ceilings in global oil prices,” explained Dr Ibish.

Looking ahead beyond the immediate future, OPEC’s influence is set to steadily wane. The United States, now the world’s leading oil producer, operates entirely outside the cartel.

With the UAE’s departure, OPEC’s share of global energy production has already fallen below 30 percent. Its relevance could erode even faster if Abu Dhabi’s move encourages other dissatisfied members to reconsider their membership and follow the UAE’s lead.

After all, Qatar exited the cartel in 2019, citing its long-term economic strategy and a growing divergence from OPEC’s trajectory. Angola followed in 2024 due to disagreements over output quotas.

Together, these departures combined with the UAE’s withdrawal this month underscore a clear pattern whereby members are willing to leave when their leaders determine that membership in the organisation ceases to advance their national interests.

Regional geopolitics and Gulf relations

How the UAE’s exit from OPEC and OPEC+ will impact Abu Dhabi’s relationships with Saudi Arabia and others in the GCC raises interesting questions.

Although Abu Dhabi’s decision will likely constitute the latest source of tension in Emirati-Saudi relations, it appears unlikely that this development will put the two GCC members into any direct conflict.

“This won’t break ties between the UAE and Saudi Arabia but will intensify the not-so-quiet competition over who sets the pace in global energy markets and regional economic leadership,” noted Dr Vakil.

Dr Ibish offers a similar assessment, noting that bilateral relations may face increased strain, while maintaining that a rupture on the scale of the 2017 crisis between Qatar and several Arab states is unlikely in the current context of UAE–Saudi ties. “In this case, I [expect the two] countries to continue to glare at each other and bicker but not devolve into total confrontation,” he told TNA.

“The UAE is messaging strongly that it is its own independent, powerful and significant actor that will not take a backseat to anyone, except maybe the United States, regarding national defence because of its dependence on American weaponry and Washington's large military footprint in the region,” added Dr Ibish.

“Other than that, the UAE appears to be saying, we do what we want for our own purposes, and we aren't interested if that offends Saudi Arabia or any other country because it shouldn't. But, of course, it undoubtedly will.”

The bigger picture

The UAE’s decision to exit OPEC and OPEC+ is best understood as the culmination of a long-developing shift in Abu Dhabi’s policies.

For years, the UAE has signalled its intention to pursue a more diversified and forward-looking energy policy, integrating oil production with broader investments in renewables and technology amid a grander economic transformation.

In this sense, leaving OPEC reflects a recalibration of oil policy as well as a wider evolution in how the UAE approaches global engagement and multilateral frameworks at a time when such institutions are under growing strain.

At the regional level, the move underscores the reality that while GCC members share a common vision of prosperity and stability, they increasingly differ on how best to achieve it.

These divergences are now playing out more visibly in energy policy, where national priorities - whether maximising output, preserving reserves, or accelerating diversification - do not always align. The UAE’s departure highlights this shift toward more individualised strategies, even among historically close partners.

Yet, this step should not necessarily be interpreted as a wholesale rejection of cooperation. The UAE continues to share deep economic, political, and security ties with its GCC neighbours, and its exit from OPEC does not necessarily preclude future coordination on oil markets or broader regional initiatives.

Indeed, Gulf Arab states have repeatedly demonstrated a capacity to manage disagreements while preserving the underlying cohesion of their relationships.

Ultimately, the UAE’s move signals a shifting order in the Gulf whereby competition and collaboration are to be balanced.

Yet, just how effectively members of the GCC will strike this delicate balance will have a huge impact on the future geopolitics of the Arab world and the evolving dynamics of global energy markets against the backdrop of massive disruptions caused by the US-Israeli war on Iran, Tehran’s attacks on energy infrastructure in GCC states, and the dual blockade of the Strait of Hormuz.

Giorgio Cafiero is the CEO of Gulf State Analytics

Follow him on X: @GiorgioCafiero

Edited by Charlie Hoyle

An Iraqi court on Monday sentenced four people to six years in prison on charges of promoting the ideas of the banned Baath Party led by former leader Saddam Hussein.

The Karkh Criminal Court said in a statement that those convicted were found in possession of the banned materials on their cellphones in Kirkuk province during 2025 and 2026.

After the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq toppled Saddam's autocratic rule, the country implemented a broad de-Baathification policy aimed at removing the influence of the Baath Party from state institutions.

The policy targeted former party members, particularly those in senior positions under the previous government, and led to large-scale dismissals across the public sector, including the military, education and civil service.

In recent years, however, such convictions have been rare. Some former officials were allowed to return to service if they were not involved in serious crimes.

Still, investigations have led to the disqualification of some candidates in recent elections. People with de-Baathification rulings against them are not eligible for nomination to ministerial posts, senior government positions and high-level security roles.

The legacy of de-Baathification remains politically and socially sensitive in Iraq, particularly among the country's Sunni minority population.

Saddam was a Sunni and members of the sect disproportionately held top leadership positions during his time. Following his ouster, Sunnis were the most impacted by purges of public institutions, generating resentment and a feeling of disenfranchisement that in some cases manifested in the rise of Sunni extremist groups.

The Accountability and Justice Commission remains the official body responsible for overseeing de-Baathification efforts. Sunni political leaders in successive parliaments have called for the dissolution of commission, arguing that its mandate should be reconsidered or brought to an end as part of broader national reconciliation efforts.

Supporters of the commission maintain that it remains a necessary legal framework to prevent the return of Baathist influence within state institutions.

Local networks said fighters from the "501 Knights of Hamza" battalion attempted to advance towards the Mansoura-Rima Hazem axis in the province's western countryside under heavy fire cover, including 23mm machine guns and 107mm rockets.

Internal Security Forces reportedly detected the movement and engaged the group, triggering clashes involving exchanges of mortar fire.

No confirmed information on casualties was immediately available.

The escalation followed attacks on Internal Security positions in the areas of Rima Hazem and Walgha, prompting clashes to spread across multiple fronts in the western countryside, with heavy and medium weapons used by both sides.

Local media reported that government forces shelled areas on the western and northwestern outskirts of Suweida using mortars and drones, launched from positions in the villages of Walgha, Mansoura and Rima Hazem.

In a statement, the National Guard declared a state of alert and said it was ready to "confront any attacks targeting civilians or their positions". It added that "the security of the region and the safety of its residents is a red line".

Tensions in Suweida date back to 12 July 2025, when mutual kidnappings between residents of the Bedouin-majority Maqous neighbourhood and members of the Druze community escalated into armed clashes.

The Syrian government intervened on 14 July to contain the violence, but its involvement was accompanied by reported violations against Druze civilians. Government forces withdrew from the province two days later after Israeli strikes targeted their positions.

In a separate development, Israeli forces carried out incursions in southern Syria. Three Israeli military vehicles entered Wadi al-Raqad in the western countryside of Daraa at dawn on Monday, establishing a temporary checkpoint before withdrawing.

Israeli forces also shelled positions in the Quneitra and Daraa countryside, firing towards the Kodna forest and the vicinity of Tel al-Ahmar, as well as targeting agricultural land near the ceasefire line between the towns of Rafid and Ma’allaqa.

Israel has expanded its military presence in southern Syria since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s government, moving beyond the long-established buffer zone in the Golan Heights.

Israeli forces have carried out repeated deadly strikes and raids in Quneitra and Daraa, effectively widening the scope of their illegal presence on the ground.

Israeli ministers have also reportedly discussed plans to divide Syria into separate zones of influence, while it has sought to fuel sectarian tensions between the Syrian government and Druze communities in Suweida.

US stocks were mixed, with the Dow Jones Industrial Average down 0.5 percent, the S&P 500 0.05 percent lower, and the Nasdaq Composite up 0.12 percent.

Iran's navy prevented "American-Zionist" warships from entering the Strait of Hormuz on Monday, state TV reported, while the Fars news agency said two missiles had hit a US warship near Jask on the Gulf of Oman after it ignored Iranian warnings.

Reuters could not independently verify the reports. The US military said two US Navy guided-missile destroyers had entered the Gulf to break an Iranian blockade and that two US ships had transited the Strait of Hormuz.

Iranian warning to US forces

Iran's military had earlier on Monday warned US forces not to enter the Strait of Hormuz after President Donald Trump said the US would start helping to free ships stranded in the Gulf by the US-Israeli war on Iran. He provided few details of the plan.

US crude was last up 0.1 percent to $102.03 a barrel and Brent rose to $110.36 per barrel, up 2 percent on the day.

Analysts said, however, high prices were not sustainable longer term because of their impact on demand and the economy.

"The market is being pulled in two opposing directions right now: on one hand, geopolitical risk is pushing oil higher and reviving inflation fears, but on the other, underlying growth especially in the US, is clearly softening," said Bruno Schneller, managing partner at Erlen Capital Management, a multi-family office.

This combination was driving some of the big market swings recorded in stocks, bonds and currencies, he added.

MSCI's broadest index of global shares outside Japan rose, led by gains in Asian stocks with the tech-heavy South Korean stocks closing over 5 percent higher. Hong Kong's Hang Seng index gained 1.2 percent.

In Europe, the performance of German carmakers weakened the region's start to the week after Trump said on Friday that Washington would raise tariffs on European cars and trucks.

The pan-European STOXX 600 index was last down 0.6 percent. Germany's 10-year bond yield, the benchmark for the euro zone bloc, was last up 2 basis points at 3.052 percent. Bond yields move inversely to prices. Markets in London were closed for a public holiday.

Central banks warn of inflation risks

As another earnings-heavy week began, concerns remained about the scale of artificial intelligence capex investment, now at $751 billion for 2026, $80 billion above estimates at the start of the earnings season and 83 percent above 2025 spending.

Companies reporting this week include Advanced Micro Devices , Super Micro Computer, Palantir, Walt Disney and McDonald's.

"Judging by last week, the market’s recipe for near-term upside will be sidestepping negative surprises out of the Middle East to allow what has been a stronger-than-average earnings season to continue to dominate sentiment," Chris Larkin, managing director for trading and investing at E*TRADE from Morgan Stanley, said on Monday.

The threat of oil-driven inflation also lifted bond yields in a challenge to equity valuations, while several major central banks have turned hawkish on policy.

Market participants no longer expect the US Federal Reserve to lower rates this year and have priced in interest-rate hikes from the European Central Bank and Bank of England .

Barclays on Monday joined the brokerages betting the Fed will not ease rates this year.

Data this week, including Friday's April payrolls report, could shift the Fed outlook.

The yield on benchmark U.S. 10-year notes rose 3.6 basis points to 4.414 percent, from 4.378 percent late on Friday.

Forex markets on alert for Yen intervention

In forex markets, traders remained on edge over potential Japanese intervention to boost the yen.

The yen jumped in Asian trading, with the dollar falling sharply before paring some of the losses. Traders are on alert after some market players believe Tokyo stepped into the market last week.

The dollar was last broadly flat against the yen at 156.98, having fallen to as low as 155.7 yen earlier, as traders smarted from possible intervention that analysts thought could have amounted to around $35 billion.

"But fundamentals remain in favour of USD/JPY, meaning USD/JPY will sooner or later recover and force the MoF’s (ministry of finance) hand again," said Carol Kong, a currency strategist at the Commonwealth Bank of Australia, who added that given the size of Monday's moves, she doubted Japan had interfered.

The euro fell 0.04 percent to $1.17, while sterling inched lower to $1.356. The dollar index, which measures the greenback against a basket of currencies including the yen and the euro, rose 0.11 percent.

In commodity markets, gold fell more than 1 percent to $4,565 an ounce.

Nickolay Mladenov is expected to ask Israel to limit its military operations and ease restrictions on humanitarian aid entering the strip, according to Israel Army Radio.

The Bulgarian diplomat's trip comes as part of efforts to hold together the ceasefire amid near-daily Israeli attacks in Gaza.

Mladenov has been in negotiations with Hamas officials in Cairo about demilitarising the territory and had handed the group an 11 April deadline to agree to a plan for its gradual disarmament.

Hamas has previously conditioned its disarmament on Israel agreeing to the creation of a Palestinian state.

Hamas rejected the proposal, reportedly telling mediators it would not discuss the second phase of the ceasefire until Israel implements the terms of the first.

Israel has largely ignored the terms of the October ceasefire, which was supposed to see an end to attacks and the withdrawal of Israeli forces to an area of land comprising roughly half of the strip.

But over the past six months, it has continued to launch constant attacks, raze infrastructure to the ground, and seize more territory deeper into Gaza.

At least 832 Palestinians have been killed and another 2,354 injured since the ceasefire came into effect on 10 October, according to Gaza health ministry figures.

It has also continued to restrict the entry of aid into the territory, depriving Palestinians of vital goods and medical supplies amid dire humanitarian conditions.

The second phase of Trump's peace plan envisions Israel's withdrawal from Gaza, the disarmament of Palestinian groups and the start of the territory's reconstruction.

Mladenov's visit comes as senior Israeli military officials reportedly push to launch a full-scale offensive on Gaza to "decisively defeat Hamas".

Far-right ministers in the government have railed against the ceasefire, arguing that the military should complete the destruction of Gaza and forcibly transfer its population to third countries.

Adalah, the legal centre for Arab minority rights in Israel, said Brazilian national Avila had been explicitly threatened with death and "over 100 years in prison", after two of its lawyers visited the activists while in prison.

Adalah said both Avila and Abu Keshek had been subjected to various forms of abuse and torture in jail. Their cells are being kept under constant high-intensity lighting, 24 hours a day and in cold temperatures.

The activists are also being kept in solidarity confinement and are being blindfolded when being moved outside of their prison cell and during medical examinations. The latter being "a gross violation of medical ethical standards," Adalah said in a statement sent to The New Arab.

Lawyers from the organisation are now waiting to see whether the state of Israel will "file an extension-of-detention" request on Tuesday, after Abu Keshek and Avila's detentions were extended by two days on Sunday, following a court appearance in Ashkelon.

"We continue to demand their immediate, unconditional release and end these illegal proceedings," the NGO said.

Abu Keshek, a Spanish national, and Brazilian Avila were the only two activists brought for questioning in Israel after they were detained in international waters near Greece last week. 

Israeli forces intercepted their vessels and abducted around 175 activists, who were mostly taken to the southeast European country.

Abu Keshek's feet were in shackles, while Alvira had his hands tied behind his back during their court appearance on Sunday. Both activists also appeared exhausted, and with visible signs of torture, including scratches and bruises across their faces.

Adalah confirmed that Avila and Abu Keshek were subjected to "severe physical abuse amounting to torture, including being beaten and held in isolation and blindfolded for days at sea".

So who are the two activists?

Saif Abu Keshek is a dual Spanish and Swedish national of Palestinian origin, and has been organising pro-Palestinian movements for over twenty years.

According to the Global Sumud Flotilla website, Abu Keshek, who is based in Barcelona, was a lead organiser in the Global March to Gaza and currently chairs the Global Coalition Against the Occupation in Palestine, and represents the Intersindical Alternativa de Catalunya (IAC), an independentist trade union based in the Spanish autonomous community.

He also sits on the board of the European Trade Union Network for Justice in Palestine.

In detention, Abu Keshek was "being kept hand-tied and blindfolded, and being forced to lie face-down on the floor from the moment of his seizure until this morning, resulting in bruising to his face and hands", Adalah said over the weekend.

On Sunday, the Spanish foreign ministry demanded Abu Keshek’s "immediate release," who he said was being "held illegally" by Israel following the interception of the Gaza-bound flotilla.

A foreign ministry spokesperson told the UK’s Guardian newspaper that the Spanish consul in Tel Aviv attended Abu Keshek’s court hearing in Ashkelon.

Thiago Avila, a seasoned climate and human rights activist from Brazil, had already participated in the Gaza Freedom Flotilla in June 2025, when he was aboard the Madleen vessel alongside high-profile activists, including Swedish activist Greta Thunberg, French Al Jazeera journalist Omar Faiad, and French-Palestinian MEP Rima Hassan.

Like his fellow activists, Avila was put in solitary confinement in Israel’s Ayalon Prison for several days after he was detained during the Freedom Flotilla mission.

The Brazilian activist had refused to sign deportation papers imposed by Israeli authorities at the time of his detention. Like he is doing now, Avila observed a dry hunger strike in Israeli custody in protest against his abduction and the conditions of his detention.

He also joined another Gaza-bound flotilla months later, joining the Global Sumud Flotilla, which set sail to the enclave between August and September 2025. Avila was detained from his vessel and also forcibly detained by Israeli authorities for the second time, before being forcibly expelled on 9 October to Brazil.

Boasting a following of 1.3 million followers on Instagram, Avila describes himself as an "organiser of collective actions sailing to break the illegal siege of Gaza and create a people’s humanitarian sea corridor".

Over the years, Avila has strongly advocated for Palestinian territories and Lebanon in the face of Israeli wars and invasions, and has shown admiration for the likes of Leila Khaled, the famed Palestinian activist and former member of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO), as well as Hassan Nasrallah, the Hezbollah leader who was killed in an Israeli strike in Beirut in September 2024.

The Global Sumud Flotilla once again set sail towards Gaza in April in a bid to break the siege imposed by Israeli forces on the exhausted Gaza Strip, where Israel has waged a war for over two and a half years, killing over 72,500 Palestinians and subjecting them to starvation campaigns.

Israel controls all entry points into Gaza, which has been under an Israeli blockade since 2007, later intensified amid the war.

The Global Sumud Flotilla's first Mediterranean voyage to Gaza last year drew worldwide attention, before being intercepted by Israeli forces off the coasts of Egypt and Gaza.

Iran executed three men charged over protests this January, authorities said Monday, the latest in a wave of hangings of convicts seen by rights groups as political prisoners against the backdrop of the war against the United States and Israel.

Iranian authorities have carried out executions on a near-daily basis in recent weeks, in what activists have denounced as a bid to instil fear in society at a time of international and domestic tension.

Mehdi Rassouli, Mohammad Reza Miri and Ebrahim Dolatabadi were executed after being convicted over unrest in the eastern city of Mashhad in January, the judiciary's Mizan news agency announced.

It was not specified when or where they were executed. But the US-based Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) said Rassouli, 25, and Miri, 21, were hanged at dawn on Sunday at the Vakilabad Prison in Mashhad.

The protests began in December sparked by grievances over the cost of living but intensified into nationwide rallies against the Islamic republic, peaking as mass demonstrations on the nights of 8 and 9 January.

Rights groups say thousands were killed in a crackdown by security forces, while authorities have blamed "rioters" who they say were backed by the United States and Israel.

Mizan said Rassouli and Miri were responsible for the death of a member of the security forces and described Dolatabadi as one of the "instigators" of the unrest in Mashhad.

'Ongoing wave'

But Norway-based NGO Iran Human Rights described the three as "political prisoners" who had been sentenced "after unfair trials in the Revolutionary Courts".

It said that since executions resumed in March during the war against the United States and Israel, Iran had executed 24 men seen as "political prisoners".

Thirteen men were executed over the January 2026 protests, another man over 2022 demonstrations, nine men over alleged links to the banned People's Mujahedin opposition group and one over membership of a Sunni militant organisation.

Within that same timeframe, an additional four individuals have been executed for alleged espionage for Israel.

"The international community, especially the European Union, must respond decisively to this ongoing wave of executions," said IHR director Mahmood Amiry Moghaddam.

"Unless the political cost of these executions is raised through clear and strong international reactions, there is a serious risk of daily executions continuing in the weeks and months ahead," he added.

Amnesty International in a statement on 1 May had said the international community must "not stand idly by while the Iranian authorities continue to escalate the arbitrary execution of political dissidents and protesters to instil fear".

Amnesty said it had documented cases of 13 of the men who it said had been subjected to torture and "convicted in grossly unfair trials that relied on forced 'confessions' and lasted a few hours".

Iran is the world's most prolific executioner after China, according to rights groups, and last year it hanged at least 1,639 people, according to figures from IHR.

Authorities in the Saudi-backed government in Aden confirmed that Riyadh had decided to connect Al-Mahra, Shabwa and Hadramout to its unified grid. The move comes despite earlier Saudi announcements of multimillion-dollar local electricity projects in the same areas.

The three governorates are among Yemen's main oil- and gas-producing regions and have relatively small populations, leading some observers to question why they require external supply rather than developing domestic capacity.

The decision follows reports that Saudi Arabia has revived plans to build an oil pipeline through eastern Yemen, providing an export route to the Arabian Sea that would bypass the Strait of Hormuz, a key global energy chokepoint.

Saudi Arabia has maintained a military and political presence in parts of eastern Yemen since 2017, particularly in Al-Mahra, where it has overseen ports, border crossings and infrastructure. The latest move appears to extend that influence into the energy sector.

The move has drawn comparisons with earlier Emirati activity in southern Yemen, including in Socotra and Shabwa, where infrastructure and security projects were widely seen by critics as attempts to entrench long-term influence before Abu Dhabi scaled back its presence.

Yemen remains politically fragmented, with authority divided between the Aden-based government, southern forces aligned with the UAE, and other local actors. In this context, large-scale infrastructure integration with Saudi Arabia could shift the balance of influence in eastern regions.

Supporters of the plan may frame it as a development measure aimed at improving electricity supply in underserved areas. However, some are likely to view it as part of a broader Saudi strategy to consolidate control through economic and infrastructure links rather than direct military intervention.

The eastern governorates targeted by the plan are not only rich in hydrocarbons but also occupy a strategic coastline along the Arabian Sea and the Gulf of Aden, making them significant for regional trade routes and energy transit.

Saudi Arabia has been a central actor in Yemen’s conflict since 2015, when it led a military coalition backing the internationally recognised government against Houthi forces.

The war has been widely described by the UN as one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, causing widespread destruction and economic collapse.

While large-scale fighting has eased in recent years, the conflict remains unresolved, and Riyadh continues to exert influence in parts of southern and eastern Yemen.

Pakistan said Monday it had facilitated the transfer of 22 Iranian crew members from a US-seized vessel, describing the move as a "confidence-building measure" amid fragile diplomatic contacts between Washington and Tehran.

The sailors, who had been held aboard the container ship Touska, were flown into Islamabad late Sunday and were due to be handed over to Iranian authorities, according to a statement from Pakistan's foreign ministry.

The handover follows a tense maritime standoff in the Gulf of Oman, where US forces intercepted the Iranian-flagged vessel.

President Donald Trump said the ship carried "a gift from China", an allegation Beijing rejected, insisting it opposed "any malicious association and speculation".

Iran has condemned the seizure as "piracy" and a violation of an April ceasefire, urging the United Nations to intervene.

Pakistan has positioned itself as a mediator for the US-Israeli war on Iran, hosting talks aimed at reducing friction between the United States and Iran.

The transfer of the crew was coordinated with both sides, Pakistan said, reflecting a rare instance of practical cooperation despite wider tensions over sanctions, shipping routes and regional security.

The vessel itself is expected to be returned after repairs.

Islamabad said it would continue to facilitate dialogue and diplomacy in pursuit of regional stability, as the Strait of Hormuz remains volatile and indirect US-Iran engagement is politically sensitive.

A satirical video aired by privately-owned Lebanese broadcaster LBCI over the weekend depicted Hezbollah Secretary General Naim Qassem and fighters as characters styled on the Angry Birds game, placing them in a simplified battlefield setting linked to the ongoing war.

Israeli soldiers were shown as pigs, echoing the game's visual coding.

While intended as satire, the segment aired by LBCI, founded in the 1980s by the staunchly anti-Hezbollah Christian Lebanese Forces party and currently chaired by Maronite Christian businessman Pierre El Daher, was widely interpreted by the Shia group's supporters as a deliberate provocation.

Many pointed to the portrayal of Qassem in religious attire, including his turban, arguing it crossed into sectarian insult and trivialised the group’s role in the conflict.

Hezbollah condemned the video as "deliberate incitement", warning it risked dragging the country into sectarian strife, even as it called on supporters to exercise restraint.

The backlash quickly spilled onto social media, where some Hezbollah supporters circulated images deemed insulting to Maronite Patriarch Beshara Rai, Lebanon's most senior Christian religious figure.

The campaign prompted widespread condemnation across political and religious lines and raised fears of escalating tensions. Religious and political leaders across sects expressed solidarity with Rai. Grand Mufti Abdel Latif Derian warned that such insults undermine national dignity, while Druze leader Sami Abi al-Muna said they threaten coexistence.

President Joseph Aoun condemned attacks on religious figures and warned against sliding into sectarian strife, while Prime Minister Nawaf Salam called for restraint and urged an end to inflammatory rhetoric.

Lebanese authorities moved to contain the fallout after Public Prosecutor Ahmad Rami al-Haj ordered the video's removal and opened an investigation into LBCI.

The controversy deepened on Monday after US Ambassador Michel Issa, following a meeting with Rai, criticised the attack on the Christian figure and said those behind it should consider leaving the country, calling the incident "inappropriate in Lebanon... a country known for coexistence".

His remarks drew a sharp response from Hezbollah, which accused the envoy of interfering in Lebanese affairs.

Hezbollah MP Ali Ammar called for Issa to be declared "persona non grata", saying his comments amounted to a call to expel Lebanese citizens from their own country.

The dispute comes amid a highly charged domestic climate shaped by ongoing Israeli attacks, which have killed more than 2,650 people and displaced over one million since early March, further deepening divisions over Hezbollah's role in the conflict.

Two Jewish men, aged 76 and 34, were injured in the attack in Golders Green last week. Police have charged a suspect with attempted murder. The suspect is also accused of stabbing a Muslim man earlier the same day, according to police.

Polanski condemned the attack as "horrendous", but came under fire after sharing a post questioning the police response, which suggested officers had used excessive force on the suspect who suffers from severe mental health issues.

He later apologised, saying he had shared the post "in haste", while maintaining that policing should not be beyond scrutiny.

The incident has prompted renewed calls to further tighten restrictions on pro-Palestine demonstrations that have taken place regularly since the start of the war in Gaza.

Polanski has been one of the most outspoken pro-Palestine voices in mainstream UK politics, calling for a ceasefire in Gaza and accusing the British government of being "not just complicit" but "active participants in genocide".

He has also consistently defended pro-Palestine protests, rejecting calls to ban demonstrations and insisting he is "not interested" in policing language, even as he said he would discourage the use of allegedly contentious slogans such as "globalise the intifada".

Polanski, who is the only Jewish leader of a major UK political party, has framed his position as rooted in opposition to injustice and has argued that criticism of Israel is increasingly being conflated with antisemitism.

Criticism of Polanski has come from across the political spectrum.

Prime Minister Keir Starmer described him as "disgraceful" and "not fit to lead any political party", while Communities Secretary Steve Reed said his apology was "nowhere near enough".

Metropolitan Police Commissioner Mark Rowley also rebuked the comments, calling criticism of officers "inaccurate and misinformed".

Conservative figures, including Kemi Badenoch, backed calls to restrict protest language they say risks inciting violence, while Reform UK figures linked the attack to broader concerns around immigration and public order.

Liberal Democrat leader Ed Davey said Polanski had "taken up where Jeremy Corbyn left off", alluding to the antisemitism charges levelled against Corbyn when he was leader of Labour. 

Polanski has also faced accusations of being "soft" on alleged antisemitism.

In the House of Lords, Conservative peer Lord Jackson of Peterborough criticised remarks suggesting antisemitism was a "perception of unsafety", saying such arguments were "dangerous" and that those who "apologise for it are not fit to hold public office".

The pressure has extended beyond Westminster.

In an article in the right-wing Daily Mail titled 'Beware of the Green Menace', staunchly pro-Israel freelance journalist Nicole Lampert wrote that Polanski was facing a "rebellion from his own family", citing unnamed relatives who feared being forced to leave the UK if he became prime minister.

The article quoted one relative as saying: "He's currently the leader of the future Islamic party of Britain". 

After a by-election win, critics accused the Greens of "sectarian politics", with Matt Goodwin warning "a dangerous Muslim sectarianism has emerged", in comments widely considered to be Islamophobic.

The pressure on Polanski has included demands that he distance himself from protest movements and rhetoric associated with pro-Palestine demonstrations, something he has resisted.

The row has expanded into a wider political battle over protest rights, antisemitism, Muslim voters and the boundaries of acceptable dissent in the UK.

Polanski's supporters, however, argue the backlash has been exaggerated or politically motivated. Some within the Green Party have described the controversy as a "witch-hunt", while commentary elsewhere has accused critics of attempting to "smear" the party’s only Jewish leader. Polanski himself has said antisemitism is being "used as a political football".

The political intensity of the backlash comes amid growing electoral competition.

With local elections approaching in England, the Greens have emerged as an increasing challenge to Labour in several areas, while also competing with the Conservatives and Reform UK for disaffected voters.

Speaking in Canberra after talks with Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, she said the two countries would respond urgently to secure stable energy supplies.

Roughly one-fifth of the world's oil normally flows through the Strait of Hormuz, where shipping has been throttled by Iran since it was attacked by the United States and Israel.

Eighty percent of that oil is destined for Asia, according to the International Energy Agency.

"The effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz has been inflicting enormous impact on the Indo-Pacific," the Japanese leader told journalists.

"We affirmed that Japan and Australia will closely communicate with each other in responding with a sense of urgency."

The two countries aim to strengthen autonomy and resilience to secure stable supplies of energy, Takaichi said.

Australia is the biggest supplier of liquefied natural gas to Japan, which in turn is a source for about seven percent of Australia's diesel.

'Global shocks'

The two countries issued a string of statements vowing to work together on energy, the economy, defence, and critical minerals.

"These agreements are to the benefit of both of our people," Albanese said.

"For Australians, it will mean we are less vulnerable to global shocks like we are seeing right now because of conflict in the Middle East."

Japan's government has said it is also keen to ensure a stable supply of critical minerals, essential for semiconductors, electric vehicle batteries and weapons systems.

Australia has touted its abundant critical minerals as a way to loosen China's grip over global supplies of rare earths.

Australia and Japan have strengthened their defence ties, too, striking a Aus$10 billion (US$6 billion) deal last year for Japan to to provide Mogami-class stealth warships to the Australian navy.

In a foreign policy address delivered in Vietnam at the weekend, Takaichi promised to do more to ensure a "free and open Indo-Pacific" - a strategy that has rankled China.

Japan aimed to build its resilience, she said, notably strengthening its supply chains for energy and critical minerals, and enhancing security cooperation.

First articulated a decade ago by Takaichi's mentor Shinzo Abe, the idea of a "free and open" Indo-Pacific has since been embraced by multiple US partners and allies seeking to curb China's influence in the region.

Branded 'Project Freedom', the move is the US president's latest gambit to weaken Iran's control over one of the world's most critical shipping corridors, whose closure has triggered a historic worldwide energy crisis.

What's the plan?

In short, it remains unclear.

In a Truth Social post announcing the initiative, Trump said the US Navy would "guide" ships out of the Gulf but stopped short of saying whether they would physically escort them through the strait.

A subsequent statement issued by US Central Command (CENTCOM) was even more ambiguous, saying only that the mission would "support" vessels trying to transit the corridor.

CENTCOM indicated it would be a major operation, announcing that more than 100 aircraft and 15,000 service members would be involved. But it did not specify how many naval ships would be deployed in the effort.

US officials speaking anonymously to Axios downplayed the likelihood of US warships entering the strait, which Iran has declared is under its military control.

One of the officials said the US Navy would instead be "in the vicinity" in case ships come under attack from Iran's military.

How many ships are trapped in the Gulf?

More than 2,000 ships have been trapped in the Gulf for almost 10 weeks after Iran locked down traffic through the strait following the US-Israel attack on 28 February.

As many as 20,000 crew members are thought to be aboard the stranded vessels.

The humanitarian situation on some of the ships is thought to be dire, with reports back in March revealing growing shortages of food and water.

"There is no precedent for the stranding of so many seafarers in the modern age," a UN maritime official said in March.

How has Iran responded?

Iran has repeatedly warned the US against deploying its navy to the Gulf and vowed to target them if they tried to break its grip over the strait.

"We warn that any foreign armed force – especially the aggressive US military – if they intend to approach or enter the Strait of Hormuz, will be targeted and attacked," said Major General Ali Abdollahi, who leads the Iranian military's central command, on Monday.

Iranian media reported on Monday morning that a US patrol boat navigating near the strait had been forced to turn back after being hit by two Iranian missiles.

Meanwhile, Iran's deputy foreign minister issued a warning to shipping companies to coordinate with Tehran before trying to transit the strait.

"Ships and shipping companies well know that ensuring their security requires coordination with the competent authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran," Esmail Bagheri said in a statement shared by Iran's semi-official Mehr news agency.

What is the aim?

'Project Freedom' is Trump's latest in a number of attempts to weaken Iran's control of the strait, all of which have failed to end the ongoing standoff.

Iran has closed the strait to almost all traffic since the start of the war, cutting off vital supplies of oil, gas and fertilisers and triggering a global energy crisis.

Since the ceasefire, it has continued to insist that it retains influence over the strait as part of any settlement to end the war.

Trump has responded by imposing a blockade on Iranian ports in a bid to cripple the country's oil and gas industry, which he refuses to lift until Iran re-opens the strait.

But three weeks into the blockade, Iran has shown no signs of relenting despite the gathering crisis in its oil sector. Tehran has instead doubled down on its demands and threatened to attack any hostile military that attempts to change the current status quo.

Inside the hospital's laboratories, where early detection of disease is supposed to determine the line between treatment and deterioration, equipment stands idle or runs on rationed supplies.

Across the Gaza Strip, the same scene is being repeated in hospitals already stretched beyond capacity.

The Palestinian Ministry of Health in Gaza warned that laboratory and blood bank services are nearing systemic failure, with around 86 per cent of essential needs now unmet due to severe restrictions on the entry of medical supplies.

In a press statement released on Sunday, the ministry said that "86 per cent of the needs of laboratories and blood banks are at zero", adding that "blood gas testing reagents have been completely depleted in the Al-Aqsa Hospital laboratory, while the remaining quantities in other hospitals will last only a few days".

It also noted a wider crisis, including a 50 per cent shortage in medicines and a 57 per cent shortage of medical consumables, deepening the strain on an already fragile health system.

The collapse of diagnostic capacity is unfolding alongside physical destruction caused by Israel. According to Doctors Without Borders, around 90 per cent of Gaza's health infrastructure has been destroyed or damaged during Israel's genocidal war.

The organisation has warned that repeated attacks on medical facilities, combined with shortages of supplies, are pushing hospitals to the edge of functionality, with many either partially operating or completely out of service.

Diagnosis and delay

The consequences are immediate and increasingly life-threatening for patients.

52-year-old Mahmoud al-Najjar lies on a bed at Al-Aqsa Hospital, struggling to speak due to laboured breathing.

He has been hospitalised for severe respiratory complications that require continuous monitoring through blood gas analysis, a test that now depends on whether limited reagents are available.

"I used to do these tests almost every day […] Now they tell me the materials are not available, and they are prioritising only the most critical cases. I don’t even know if I fall into that category," he told The New Arab. "Every day without a test is a risk. I feel like I am being left to fate. How can they treat a patient without knowing what is happening inside his body?"

Amna Rabah, a 34-year-old woman, waits in the hospital for a blood transfusion that has been delayed due to shortages of blood and testing supplies needed to ensure compatibility.

She has severe anaemia and reports that her condition has deteriorated during the wait.

"They told me there is a shortage in the tests needed before transfusion, and that it might be delayed", she told TNA. "I feel dizzy most of the time. I need the transfusion urgently, but everything is uncertain now."

"We are no longer only afraid of illness. We are afraid of the absence of treatment itself," she added. "In Gaza, the disease is no longer the only problem […] The problem is that treatment itself is disappearing."

Blockade, bottlenecks, and breakdown

The current breakdown cannot be separated from the broader political and logistical context. Despite the supposed ceasefire agreement reached between Israel and Hamas on 10 October 2025, the Gaza Strip remains under tight Israeli restrictions on the entry of goods, including medicines and laboratory supplies.

Palestinian health officials and international organisations say these restrictions continue to limit the flow of essential medical aid severely.

Mohammed Abu Silmiya, director of Al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City, links the laboratory crisis directly to these constraints.

"Large-scale military operations have indeed slowed since the October 2025 agreement, but the blockade has not ended," he told TNA. "There are still severe restrictions on medicines and medical supplies, including laboratory materials, and this has brought us to a dangerous stage."

He added that the depletion of blood gas testing reagents is particularly alarming because of their central role in intensive care units.

"These are not optional tests. They are essential for patients in critical condition. Without them, we cannot properly assess oxygen levels, organ function, or the progression of disease," Abu Silmiya explained.

"When supplies are delayed or denied, the health system does not simply slow down; it collapses. We consume essential materials daily without replenishment. That is not sustainable," he stressed.

If current shortages continue, hospitals may face "near-total paralysis" in laboratory operations, with direct consequences for surgeries, emergency care, and intensive care management, according to Abu Silmiya.

Humanitarian data underscores the scale of the imbalance. Before Israel's war, Gaza required around 500 trucks of goods per day, including food and medical supplies.

Since the ceasefire, the average has ranged from 80 to 120 trucks per day, according to UN and Palestinian health estimates.

Medical shipments represent only a small fraction of this total, with estimates suggesting just 10 to 15 trucks of medical supplies enter daily, far below operational needs for a population of more than two million people.

International health agencies have repeatedly warned that this level of aid is insufficient.

The World Health Organisation repeatedly called for the urgent removal of administrative and logistical barriers to medical entry, stressing that Gaza's health needs are "enormous and rapidly increasing".

At the same time, conditions in displacement camps are worsening the health burden. UNRWA reports a rise in skin infections such as scabies, alongside chickenpox and other communicable diseases, driven by overcrowding and lack of hygiene supplies.

The agency also warned of rodent infestations in several areas, including Khan Younis and northern Gaza, raising concerns over diseases such as leptospirosis and other bacterial infections.

As the crisis deepens, the Ministry of Health continues to appeal for urgent international intervention to prevent what it describes as the collapse of remaining laboratory and blood bank services.

The move was part of the long-term project to diversify beyond fossil fuels, said Sultan Al Jaber, CEO of state oil giant ADNOC and the UAE's industry and advanced technology minister.

The shock decision, which took effect on Friday, followed months of tensions with Saudi Arabia, the wvorld's top oil exporter and OPEC's de facto leader, over foreign policy, oil output and the US-Israeli war on Iran, which has strained Gulf economies.

The once close partnership between the Gulf neighbours has turned into a simmering rivalry since a public falling-out in December over Yemen, where they back rival militias.

The UAE has long chafed at OPEC production limits championed by Saudi Arabia. But Jaber said the decision to withdraw had purely national considerations in mind.

"The United Arab Emirates' sovereign decision to reposition itself within the global energy landscape, and to exit OPEC and OPEC+, is not a decision directed against anyone," he told a conference in Abu Dhabi.

The exit of the UAE, which was OPEC's fourth-largest producer, deals a blow to the cartel's ability to control oil prices.

It also puts further strain on UAE-Saudi ties. Riyadh has yet to comment on the UAE's departure.

Leaving OPEC "serves our national interests and long-term strategic objectives, aligns with our industrial, economic, and developmental ambitions, and gives us greater ability to accelerate investment, expand, and create value", Jaber said.

"This move was not done in isolation," he told the Make It In The Emirates conference on UAE industry.

"It is part of a broader effort to reshape our economy and industrial base through a vision that connects energy, technology, and industry, aligning our resources with national priorities to build a stronger, more resilient economy."

Drone jammers

UAE Energy Minister Suhail Al Mazrouei also said the country had left OPEC "on good terms".

The UAE had been frustrated with OPEC's quotas, which sought to cap Emirati production at 3.4 million barrels a day, while Abu Dhabi seeks to raise production capacity to five million barrels a day by 2027.

The move comes at a time when the UAE is seeking to boost oil production to finance investments into non-oil sectors including artificial intelligence, analysts said.

On Sunday, ADNOC pledged to spend $55 billion on new projects over the next two years.

The UAE is also seeking to produce more locally made missiles and air defences, said Faisal Al Bannai, an adviser to the UAE president and chairman of the Emirati EDGE Group, a military and defence conglomerate.

The UAE has largely relied on domestically produced jammers and is now self-sufficient in that technology, he said.

"Eighty-five percent of the drones were "tackled through jammers developed and produced in the UAE", Al Bannai said.

He said in the near future, "part of the missile air defence will become local UAE air defence".

"Over the next few years, we definitely have a determination that anything to do with air defence will be fully a UAE capability... produced in the UAE," he added.

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty received Syria's Asaad al-Shaibani on Sunday, as the latter arrived at the head of a high-level delegation for talks aimed at strengthening bilateral ties, according to statements from both sides.

The Egyptian foreign ministry said the two sides held "expanded talks, with the participation of Egyptian Industry Minister Khaled Hashem and his Syrian counterpart Mohammad Nidal al-Shaar, which addressed ways to enhance the course of bilateral relations and coordinate positions on current regional developments".

Foreign ministry spokesperson Tamim Khallaf said Abdelatty "affirmed during the talks the depth of the historical, popular and cultural ties that bind Egypt and Syria".

He added that Egypt’s position on the Syrian conflict has long been based on supporting “efforts aimed at restoring security and stability” while preserving Syria’s unity.

The meeting also touched on regional tensions, with Abdelatty expressing "Egypt’s categorical rejection of Israel’s blatant violations of Syrian sovereignty"

Abdelatty also called for Israel to comply with the 1974 disengagement agreement, while reaffirming Cairo’s support for "the necessity of ending the Israeli occupation of the Syrian Golan".

According to the Syrian state news agency SANA, the talks focused on "ways to strengthen bilateral relations and expand prospects for cooperation on issues of mutual interest, alongside discussions on fast-moving regional and international developments".

A relationship in cautious recovery

The visit comes at a sensitive moment for both sides and is widely seen as a test of whether relations can move beyond the cautious, limited engagement that has defined the post-2024 period.

Ties cooled after the fall of the Assad regime, which was supported by the Egyptian government under President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, at the end of 2024, with Cairo adopting a wait-and-see approach towards the new leadership in Damascus, particularly given its Islamist background.

While relations never fully broke down, they remained constrained and carefully managed.

Recent contacts, however, suggest a gradual shift. Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa met Sisi on the sidelines of an Arab-European summit in Cyprus just days before Shaibani’s visit, signalling a potential willingness at the highest level to re-engage.

Earlier steps have also pointed in this direction, with the first official contact between the two foreign ministers taking place on 31 December 2024, followed by Sharaa's first meeting with Sisi at an emergency Arab summit in Cairo in March 2025.

An Egyptian trade delegation also visited Damascus earlier this year for the first time in 15 years, exploring ways to expand economic and investment cooperation.

Drivers of a potential thaw

Analysts say shifting regional dynamics may be pushing both countries towards closer coordination.

Journalist Ghazi Dahman told The New Arab that the rapprochement has become "a necessity imposed by regional transformations, amid rising tensions and overlapping security and political files, which require greater coordination between key Arab capitals".

At the same time, Egyptian concerns remain. Dahman pointed to Cairo’s unease over the Islamist background of Syria’s new leadership and the possible implications for domestic and regional balances.

However, he added that Egypt also recognises the strategic importance of reasserting its role in Syria, both to support the country’s territorial unity and to balance the influence of other regional actors, particularly Turkey, as well as Israel, which he said is seeking to entrench its presence in the Syrian arena.

Economics is also emerging as a key incentive. Syria’s geographic position offers potential as a transit route for energy, particularly gas, from Egypt to Europe via the Arab Gas Pipeline, an option gaining relevance amid heightened regional tensions, including the US-Israeli confrontation with Iran.

Reconstruction presents another avenue for cooperation, with Damascus expressing interest in involving Egyptian companies in infrastructure and energy projects, including during recent engagements with visiting Egyptian business delegations.

Despite the apparent momentum, significant obstacles remain. Issues such as the status of Syrians living in Egypt, alongside Egyptian security concerns over individuals wanted by its authorities who may be present in Syria, continue to complicate relations and require deeper coordination.

For now, Cairo appears to be pursuing what could be described as a policy of conditional engagement - testing the ground without committing to full normalisation.

US and Israeli strikes aimed to disrupt the IRGC’s chain of command, killing several senior officials, including the IRGC commander-in-chief, Mohammad Pakpour.

But the IRGC has moved quickly to restore its leadership, appointing new officials, including Brigadier General Ahmad Vahidi as the new commander-in-chief.

Far from weakening the IRGC, external pressure from the US and Israel has reinforced its central role in Iran’s wartime order - a shift that could shape the country’s future balance of power long after the conflict ends.

The IRGC's tightening grip on power

“The war strengthened the IRGC in the most brutal way possible,” Andreas Krieg, associate professor at King’s College London, told The New Arab, adding that it removed competitors, compressed decision-making and gave the Guards a wartime justification to assume functions once shared with civilians and clerics.

“In practice, that has allowed them to hollow out the civilian presidency, tighten control over negotiations and expand their role from guardian of the system to operator of the system.”

Formed after the 1979 Revolution to defend the Islamic Republic, the IRGC has, over time, expanded from a military force into a powerful political and economic actor with major influence in infrastructure, energy, trade-linked sectors, and media assets.

Western sanctions have often reinforced their role by pushing parts of the economy into opaque, sanctions-evasion networks and expanding their reliance on shadow financial and trading channels.

Sina Azodi, director of the Middle East Studies Program at George Washington University, told TNA that the IRGC’s expanding role in decision-making and its growing wartime influence reflected a natural pattern.

“In times of war, military people in charge of prosecuting the war gain a lot of influence,” he said.

After the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, according to Azodi, Iran’s leadership awarded the IRGC major reconstruction contracts, allowing it to expand into infrastructure and other parts of the economy.

Today, the US and Israel’s war against Iran is again strengthening the IRGC’s influence as the Islamic Republic fights an existential battle for survival.

The war has settled into a fragile ceasefire, with Pakistan mediating talks between the US and Iran. Last week, Iran submitted a 14-point plan to end the conflict, including in Lebanon, calling for sanctions relief, security guarantees, the release of frozen assets, and a new arrangement for the Strait of Hormuz.

US President Donald Trump said he was reviewing it but questioned the likelihood of a diplomatic breakthrough. Meanwhile, a senior military official said that a resumption of hostilities with the US remains "likely".

Together with Iran’s nuclear programme, the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz is one of the key obstacles to ending the conflict.

The strait carries roughly 25% of global seaborne oil and about 20% of global LNG trade, and Iran has constrained shipping there during the conflict. The US response was to impose a blockade on Iran-linked shipping, escalating tensions and further disrupting global energy flows.

The Strait has also become a subject of debate within Iran’s leadership over how to communicate Tehran’s control of the waterway.

On 17 April, foreign minister Abbas Araghchi said the Strait of Hormuz had been reopened to commercial shipping following the Israel-Lebanon ceasefire, with vessels required to follow Iranian-coordinated routes, but the move drew criticism in IRGC-linked media such as Tasnim News Agency over unclear operating rules, and the strait was later restricted as the US continued its blockade, which began on 13 April.

A militarised theocracy

That episode and other news reports that claim the IRGC is sidelining civilian leadership, blocking presidential decisions, and tightening control over the centre of power, have raised questions over the Guards’ growing influence.

However, Mehran Kamrava, professor of government at Georgetown University in Qatar, cautioned against viewing Iran’s leadership as divided into separate civilian, military and clerical spheres. “The three are institutionally and organically intertwined," he told TNA.

Key figures emerging within Iran’s leadership today are deeply intertwined across the military, political, and clerical establishment.

They include parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, a former IRGC brigadier general, Mohsen Rezaei, a senior military adviser to the new Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr, who was appointed secretary of the Supreme National Security Council after Ali Larijani’s assassination in March, and current IRGC commander-in-chief Vahidi, who is seen as playing a prominent role in Iran’s wartime operational decision-making.

Ali Alfoneh, senior fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute, said the IRGC had long treated its mandate to defend the Islamic Republic as a licence to intervene in politics.

The war has accelerated that trajectory, making the Guards the dominant force within an informal five-member leadership comprising President Masoud Pezeshkian, parliament speaker Ghalibaf, judiciary chief Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Eje’i, and one representative each from the IRGC and the regular military, which together had filled the vacuum left by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s assassination and uncertainty over Mojtaba Khamenei’s health.

“The IRGC is no longer merely an instrument of civilian rule but a central component of decision-making power,” he told TNA.

The appointment of Mojtaba Khamenei, widely reported as backed by the IRGC because of his close ties to the Guards, appears to have further strengthened their power.

However, Krieg believes that the IRGC’s growing power is weakening the Supreme Leader in practical terms, even if the office still provides political legitimacy. Mojtaba Khamenei remains a symbolic figure of continuity, but reports suggest that his authority is increasingly mediated by the Guards.

“That pushes Iran towards something very close to a military-run state with clerical cover,” he said, adding that the theocratic system still provides legitimacy through the Supreme Leader, but operational power has clearly shifted towards the IRGC.

At the same time, the IRGC is also likely helping socialise Mojtaba Khamenei into the institutional networks and operating practices that underpin the role, according to Azodi.

“There’s always someone to show you the ropes, and that role is played by the IRGC,” he said.

The growing role of the IRGC in Iran’s decision-making is expected by some experts to push foreign policy towards a more assertive and security-led posture, reinforcing a defiant tone in external affairs, while still keeping diplomatic channels open, especially amid negotiations with the US, though with likely less room for flexibility.

“During wartime, as in any other case, Iranian foreign policy is naturally more security-oriented, and it assumes that the states of the Persian Gulf, which house major US military bases, are integral to the American-Israeli attack on the country,” Kamrava said.

Domestically, Alfoneh argues that the IRGC’s rise may also reshape the regime’s ideological orientation.

“Prevailing currents within the Guard suggest a gradual shift from Islamism towards a more overt nationalism as the regime’s organising principle,” he said, pointing to potential selective social liberalisation alongside tighter political controls as genuinely competitive elections would threaten regime survival.

With the war on Iran and the assassination of Ali Khamenei, Iran appears to be entering a transition in which the IRGC is further consolidating influence amid a prolonged security crisis, as Tehran seeks durable guarantees against renewed US and Israeli strikes.

A shift towards a more militarised theocracy would not necessarily signal systemic collapse, according to Krieg, but could enhance the regime’s short-term coercive resilience. Over time, however, he argues it would leave the system more rigid, more repressive and less politically adaptable.

“And that is the paradox,” he said. “The IRGC may save the regime from immediate defeat while making its long-term evolution harsher and more brittle.”

Within this scenario, a military-dominated system could still retain Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei as a “largely ceremonial head of state,” according to Alfoneh.

But with IRGC commanders increasingly involved in national security decision-making, Azodi explained that in practice “the IRGC will be running the show”.

Dario Sabaghi is a freelance journalist interested in human rights 

Follow him on X: @DarioSabaghi

Edited by Charlie Hoyle

The Iron Drone Raider system, manufactured by Aerobotix, is an AI-driven, automated technology that combines a radar with interceptor drones, according to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz.

After detecting a threat, the interceptor is launched and automatically guides itself toward the hostile drone using radar. At this stage, the system can choose between tracking the "enemy" drone or using a net to capture it, according to the paper. A parachute can also be deployed to "gently" bring the captured drone to the ground, reducing the likelihood of it exploding.

The deployment of these new systems comes amid Hezbollah's use of explosive-laden drones, at least some of which are controlled via fibre optics resistant to conventional electronic warfare techniques.

In recent weeks, such drones have killed and injured a number of Israeli soldiers deployed and fighting in Lebanon, as fighting continues despite the ceasefire agreed upon last month.

Dozens more soldiers have been injured in drone attacks since the start of the latest round of fighting in March.

Several members of the Israeli army have acknowledged that the military was "unprepared" to deal with Hezbollah's extensive attack drones. One official told Haaretz that the existing counter-drone technology "either cannot sufficiently address the threat" or that it "is not always sufficiently available".

The issue was addressed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Sunday, and he said he ordered "the establishment of a special project to counter the drone threat" in reference to Hezbollah.

In early April, the Directorate of Research and Development of Weapons and Technological Infrastructure at the Israeli Ministry of Defence issued a call for proposals from developers and companies seeking solutions to counter "fibre-tethered drones".

​Israeli ceasefire violations continue

This comes as Israeli forces continue to violate the ceasefire in Lebanon with a series of attacks on Sunday and Monday.

At least two people were killed by Israeli attacks in the town of Shahour in the Tyre district, the National News Agency (NNA) said on Monday morning.

Israeli warplanes targeted the town of Kafr Tibnit, while artillery shelling was renewed on the towns of Yahmar al-Shaqif, Burj Qalaouiyah, Zawtar al-Sharqiyah, and Zawtar al-Gharbiyah.

The Litani River was also shelled in the outskirts of the town of Buwayda, according to Lebanese media.

The Israeli army also issued evacuation orders for the towns of Qana, Dabaal, Qaqaiyat al-Jisr, and Srifa in southern Lebanon, demanding that they leave their homes and move at least 1000 metres away from them.

The military carried out bombings late on Sunday in the towns of Khiam and Qantara, and shelled the outskirts of the towns of Safad al-Battikh, Yater, Majdal Selem, and al-Shaitiya.

On Sunday evening, the Lebanese Ministry of Health said 20 people were killed in the past 24 hours, bringing the total number of those killed by Israel’s aggression to 2,679.

Lebanon was dragged into the wider Middle East war, triggered by the joint Israeli and US assault on Iran, on 2 March, after Hezbollah fired into Israel in response to the assassination of Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

Amid the war, Israeli forces have gone on to establish a "yellow" demarcation line in Lebanon, similar to the one in Gaza, triggering fears of occupation and annexation.

A 10-day, US-brokered ceasefire was announced in Lebanon on 17 April, and was extended for a further three weeks last Monday.

The talks saw Israel and Lebanon engage in direct negotiations for the first time in decades, drawing the ire of Hezbollah.

On Monday, the group’s leader, Naim Qassem, called any further direct negotiations with Israel "a gratuitous concession with no benefits, serving US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu".

"We support diplomacy that leads to a cessation of aggression and the implementation of the agreement," Qassem said, who stressed the need for indirect talks instead, which have already "yielded results in the maritime and ceasefire agreements, and preserved Lebanon's capabilities, which are its right".

He also stressed that the group will continue "resisting" against Israel, in reference to Hezbollah’s ongoing retaliation against Israeli attacks.

"We are facing a dangerous phase in the history of our region and the future of our country and our generations, in which the enemy is attacking us with the support and direction of the oppressive American tyrant," he said.

Iran's military vowed to attack any US ships entering the area, raising the prospect of a return to the regional war paused by the 8 April ceasefire.

Writing on Truth Social, the president said that from Monday morning US warships would start helping commercial vessels exit the Gulf, though he did not specify whether this would amount to escorts through the strait.

"We have told these countries that we will guide their ships safely out of these restricted waterways, so that they can freely and ably get on with their business," he wrote.

More than 2,000 ships have been trapped in the Gulf for almost 10 weeks after Iran locked down traffic through the strait following the US-Israel attack on 28 February. As many as 20,000 crew members are thought to be aboard the stranded vessels.

This came a day after Trump said he was reviewing the details of a 14-point Iranian proposal to resolve the crisis in the Strait and permanently end the war.

Iranian media said the plan would see Tehran reopen the waterway, Washington lift its naval blockade, and guarantees made that the US and Israel would not re-launch the war.

Trump had cast doubt on whether he would accept the proposal, saying on Sunday that Tehran had "not yet paid a big enough price" for him to agree to a deal.

But he reversed course on Monday, claiming that US negotiators were having "very positive discussions" with Iran.

Iran has repeatedly warned the US against deploying its navy to the Gulf and vowed to target them if they tried to break its grip over the strait.

"We warn that any foreign armed force – especially the aggressive US military – if they intend to approach or enter the Strait of Hormuz, will be targeted and attacked," said Major General Ali Abdollahi, who leads the Iranian military's central command, on Monday.

"We have repeatedly stated that the security of the Strait of Hormuz is under the control of the armed forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and under all circumstances, any safe passage must be coordinated with these forces," he added.

Tanker struck near UAE

Iran has choked traffic through the strategic waterway since the beginning of the war and has tried to impose transit fees on ships exiting the Gulf.

The closure has shut in vital supplies of oil, gas and fertilisers and triggered a global energy crisis.

The US president has several times raised the prospect of renewed strikes against Iran if it refuses to reopen the strait. US military planners have briefed the president on a range of options, including large-scale strikes on Iran's civilian infrastructure.

The US military has rushed new equipment to the region ahead of a potential resumption of the war.

Amid the rising tensions, a tanker reported being struck near the city of Fujairah in the United Arab Emirates on Monday morning.

The United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations agency said the vessel had been hit by an unknown projectile while transiting north of the city in the Gulf of Oman.

This came hours after Iran's Revolutionary Guard warned ships anchored in the UAE's Ras al-Khaimah to move to Dubai.

Iranian crew members released

US warships have maintained a blockade on Iranian ports for three weeks in a bid to cripple the country's oil and gas industry.

Dozens of ships have been prevented from leaving the Gulf and several have been detained by the US Navy.

The blockade threatens to force Iran to start shutting down oil production as storage capacity nears its limits.

In what it called a "confidence-building measure", Pakistan said on Monday that the US had evacuated 22 crew members aboard a container ship seized near Iran's Chabahar port at the end of April.

Pakistan has led efforts to mediate an end to the conflict and has scrambled to arrange new negotiations in its capital after a first round of talks earlier this month failed to break the stalemate.

The blockade has further complicated negotiations, with Iran refusing to loosen its control over the strait until the US stops cutting off its maritime trade.

French President Emmanuel Macron on Monday urged both countries to coordinate reopening the strait, calling it the "only solution" after Trump announced his plan for naval escorts.

France and the UK have led international efforts to keep the strait open and have held talks with dozens of countries about setting up a maritime taskforce in the Gulf.

Both countries have refused to deploy warships to the region until the war ends.

"We are not going to take part in any military operation in a framework that to me seems unclear," Macron said.

On Monday, prominent Arab intellectual Azmi Bishara cautioned Lebanon against what he described as the political and strategic risks of such a move.

His comments, posted to social media, come amid reports that Lebanese President Joseph Aoun is considering a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the White House, a prospect that has stirred debate in Lebanon and across the region.

Being forced to restate this is uncomfortable, but necessary,” he wrote in Arabic, warning that any meeting with Netanyahu would carry serious implications. He noted that the Israeli leader is “a wanted war criminal by the International Criminal Court,” adding that “any Arab meeting with him amounts to rehabilitating him while his crimes continue”.

Bishara, who heads the Doha-based Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, also questioned the premise of negotiations under current conditions, arguing that Netanyahu “is not concerned with a ceasefire” and instead sees Lebanon as the party that “must pay a price” for it.

On the substance of any potential agreement, Bishara warned that Israeli withdrawal to internationally recognised borders would not come without far-reaching conditions. “From Israel’s perspective, withdrawal… would come only in exchange for a peace agreement,” he wrote, adding that this would go beyond normalisation to include alignment against Hezbollah—“effectively turning the conflict into an internal war”.

Bishara cautioned that entering talks without clear guarantees could weaken Lebanon’s negotiating position. A meeting that does not produce concrete outcomes, he suggested, may instead serve to bolster Israel diplomatically, particularly in the eyes of the United States.

He also cautioned it could serve as a continuation of the “discredited Abraham Accords” after the war.

The reports of a possible White House meeting come as tensions remain high along the Lebanese-Israeli border, with continued Israeli strikes and detonations in southern Lebanon. Israel has killed over 2500 Lebanese since the current round of fighting began on 2 March. The ceasefire announced on 26 April expires on 17 May, and Israel has violated it thousands of times.

On Monday, the US envoy to Lebanon Michel Issa downplayed the significance of a meeting at a press conference near Beirut, saying "Netanyahu is not a monster".

Netanyahu's campaign in Gaza after 7 October 2023 likely amounts to genocide in which over 80,000 Palestinians have been massacred.

Lebanese former prime minister Fouad Siniora, who is considered pro-peace with Israel, said in late April that a Lebanese meeting with Netanyahu would be a 'sin'.

Hundreds have protested in Beirut against direct talks or a peace treaty with Israel while the latter's occupation and violations continue. 

Reports suggest Saudi Arabia and Egypt have also advised the Lebanese government not to offer such a major conession to Israel without securing a full withdrawal and ceasefire first.

Dubai airport's passenger traffic plunged by two-thirds in March following Iran's attacks on the United Arab Emirates during the US-Israeli war on Iran, the emirate's media office said in a statement on Monday.

Traveller numbers at Dubai International, usually the world's busiest for international passenger traffic, sank to 2.5 million, down 66 percent year on year, Dubai Media Office said.

The airport endured "a period of regional disruption that significantly constrained airspace capacity and flight schedules", it said.

"With airspace within the UAE now fully restored, Dubai Airports is moving decisively to scale up operations, increasing flight movements in line with available regional routing capacity."

Dubai International was targeted several times by drones as the oil-rich UAE bore the brunt of Iran's retaliation for US-Israeli strikes.

Quarterly traffic was down 21 percent to 18.6 million in the first quarter of 2026. Dubai International handled a record 95.2 million passengers last year, and had been expecting to receive 99.5 million this year.

"The extraordinary events of the past few weeks are unprecedented for any major airport hub," Dubai Airports CEO Paul Griffiths was quoted as saying in the statement.

Avi Bluth, head of the Israeli army's Central Command, admitted that Israeli forces were "killing as we have not killed since 1967", in comments reported by the Israeli newspaper Haaretz on Sunday.

The year 1967 refers to Israel's multiple-front attack on neighbouring countries, commonly referred to as the Six-Day War, during which it began its illegal occupation of the West Bank.

Bluth also acknowledged that the army applied different rules to Jewish and Palestinian stone-throwers, citing domestic repercussions for using lethal force against Israelis.

"Soldiers firing at Jews has difficult social repercussions," he said, later admitting: "Yes, there is a certain discrimination."

He further boasted of loosening the rules of engagement against Palestinians, particularly those approaching or crossing the separation barrier.

"Today, in the seam zone, it is permitted to carry out a suspect-arrest procedure, including firing toward the knee and below, in order to create awareness of the existence of a barrier," he said.

Referring to the high number of Palestinians shot in the legs, Bluth added sarcastically: "Today there are many limping memorials in Palestinian villages - people who tried to infiltrate and were injured. There is a price to be paid."

He framed the policy as part of efforts to prevent a repeat of the 7 October attack in the West Bank, describing the army's approach as one of "precise aggression".

"What distinguishes me is that I am constantly dealing with (the Palestinians), and continuously turning villages into arenas of confrontation," he said.

He claimed that Israeli forces had killed 1,500 Palestinians over three years, describing them as "militants".

"We killed 1,500 terrorists over three years. So why is there no uprising? Why don’t they go out into the streets? Why is the Palestinian public indifferent? Why are there no disturbances?" he said. "Because 96% of the 1,500 killed were involved in terrorism, and only 4% were not."

Bluth further asserted: "Of the 1,500, 70% were carrying firearms. Also, Arabs understand that if someone rises to kill you, you must act first to kill him = this is a rule in the Middle East. Therefore, we are killing as we have not killed since 1967."

While Bluth's claims could not be independently verified, leading rights groups have repeatedly accused Israel of targeting Palestinians arbitrarily in the West Bank

On Palestinians accused by Israel of throwing stones, he said: "This is terrorism… and in 2025 we killed 42 stone-throwers on the roads."

In contrast, when discussing documented incidents of Israeli settlers throwing stones, Blot said he opposed opening fire. "For example, we shot two masked Jews - I don’t know if you remember the uproar that caused," he said, referring to an incident last year.

He cited additional cases, including "a 15-year-old anarchist, mentally unstable, from (the settlement of) Beit She’an, who threw stones at midnight at a military jeep", adding that the officer who shot him "did not know they were Jews until he heard Hebrew being spoken".

In another case near Givat Asaf, a Border Police officer shot a suspect in the neck, and "by chance, the Jews were not killed".

Bluth said such incidents had carried wider societal implications. "Every incident of this kind has very difficult social repercussions. I am not sure we need to reach that point, nor is there a need to reach live fire," he said. "We prefer to resolve this by other means."

"If we start now firing at every Israeli stone-thrower at a junction, I am not sure that will be beneficial; in fact, I think it will lead to the exact opposite," he added. 

Bluth also pointed to disparities in administrative detention, noting that thousands of Palestinians are held without trial while Israelis are not.

"Do you know how many Arab administrative detainees there are now? More than 4,000. You have no administrative detention for Israelis, but you have 4,000 Palestinian administrative detainees," he said.

The controversial practice of administrative detention allows Israeli authorities to hold individuals indefinitely without charge or trial on undisclosed security grounds, a measure widely criticised by rights groups as lacking due process and used to suppress Palestinian political activity.

An 11-year-old girl has died of injuries sustained in a school shooting in southern Turkey more than two weeks ago, bringing the death toll to 10, media reported Monday.

Almina Agaoglu died in hospital, the private NTV television reported.

A 14-year-old opened fire at a school in the Kahramanmaras province on 15 April, killing nine students aged 10 and 11 and one teacher. The youth attacker died at the scene.

Authorities said the boy brought five firearms to the school and was the son of a former police inspector, who has since been arrested.

In a separate incident the previous day in the southeastern province of Sanliurfa, a former student opened fire at his former high school, wounding 16 people, before taking his own life when confronted by police.

The attacks have sparked public outrage. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has dismissed a deputy education minister and said the government would introduce measures, including restrictions on gun ownership.

A massive land, air and sea search was launched by US, Moroccan and allied forces in Cap Draa Training Area after the service members went missing late Saturday, both militaries said.

The search remained underway as of shortly before 2000 GMT on Sunday, the US official told AFP.

"I can confirm this incident is not related to terrorism but appears to be an accident," the official said. "Initial reports indicate the two soldiers may have fallen into the ocean."

The Wall Street Journal reported that officials believe the missing pair went on a hike after training had concluded. AFP has not been able to independently confirm this.

CBS News reported that one of its journalists heard helicopters "throughout the night" and into Sunday after a "base-wide head-count" failed to account for the two soldiers.

Morocco's armed forces confirmed they were part of the search in a post on Facebook.

The US defence official said that several helicopters, vessels, drones, mountaineers and divers were involved in the search.

The troops were taking part in an annual joint military training exercise called African Lion, which brings together US, allied African, and NATO militaries for drills in northern and west Africa.

The US military describes the training as "Africa Command's largest premier, joint, annual exercise," bringing together "more than 10,000 participants from more than 20 nations, including contingents from NATO." It is hosted by Morocco, Ghana, Senegal and Tunisia.

In 2012, two US Marines were killed and two more were injured in an aircraft crash in the same area during that year's African Lion exercise.

US Central Command (CENTCOM) denied Iran's claims in a post on X, which came after a US official also denied it to Axios.

Iran had previously warned the US against any naval entry through the Strait of Hormuz unless it is coordinated, after US President Donald Trump said that he would "guide" stranded ships through the Strait.

In a post on Truth Social, Trump said that the US has been requested to by countries to "help free their Ships", adding "we have told these Countries that we will guide their Ships safely out of these restricted Waterways."

Iran's military responded to the statement, saying the Strait of Hormuz "is in the hands of the armed forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran" and that the transit of commercial ships through the Strait must be "carried out in coordination with the armed forces."

"We warn that any foreign armed force, especially the aggressive US army, will be attacked if they attempt to approach and enter the Strait of Hormuz," Iran's military added.

The warning comes as the UK's Maritime Trade Operations monitor said that it had received a report from a vessel 78 nautical miles north of  Fujairah as having been hit by "unknown projectiles," though it added the crew are safe.

From the outside, it is easy to dismiss such a candidacy as a marginal or symbolic protest – a statutory outlier rather than a serious political intervention. It sits uneasily within the lines of conventional politics: a candidate who is physically absent from civic society yet remains an active participant in political life.

Gib’s candidacy follows a long precedent in anti-colonial and socialist movements – seen in the Palestinian prisoners' movement, but also in the Irish republican tradition and the Turkish left. In these contexts, prisoners have run for office to transform their cells into sites of struggle. In doing so, they challenge the state's attempt to remove them from public life, forcing a confrontation between the government’s power to label a political prisoner as a "criminal" and the public’s will to recognise them as a political leader.

Reclaiming a voice from behind bars

Imprisonment is designed to erase a person’s political existence. By prosecuting organisers and criminalising their actions, the state attempts to sever their connection to the public and reduce a broader struggle to a matter of individual wrongdoing.

Prison candidacies break this cycle. When an incarcerated person stands for election, they re-enter the political arena as an active member of society seeking a mandate rather than as a passive object of state control.

This shift positions the prisoner as a representative figure, turning their incarceration into a public referendum on the war and repression they were arrested for resisting.

If such a candidate gains public support, their imprisonment becomes a question of political legitimacy. The state’s effort to depoliticise the prisoner contradicts the reality of their public support. The prisoner-candidate’s strategy creates a dilemma the state cannot easily resolve: allowing the candidacy to proceed risks validating a figure it has tried to silence, but suppressing the candidacy exposes the limits of democratic freedom. In either case, the gap between democratic ideals and the reality of state power becomes impossible to ignore.

Prison candidacies are most clearly and consistently developed in the Palestinian context, where imprisonment has long been a feature of political life under occupation. Over decades, large numbers of Palestinian organisers, leaders, and activists have been detained, often for prolonged periods and under conditions designed to fragment political organisation.

Yet rather than marginalising prisoners from political life, this system has contributed to the formation of a distinct political reality in which imprisonment and political leadership are deeply intertwined.

The Palestinian prisoners’ movement is one of the most organised sectors of political life. Inside the cells, the shared reality of incarceration forces a unique cross-factional unity; members of different parties, who may be divided on the outside, organise as a single body to negotiate with the state.

This "unity of the cells" serves as a powerful rallying call for the streets, demonstrating that if solidarity can be forged under the harshest conditions of confinement, it must be the basis for the struggle outside. The prison, therefore, does not just mirror the movement – it leads it.

When prisoners such as Marwan Barghouti and Ahmad Sa’adat are elected, their candidacies do more than signal personal popularity. They assert that imprisonment does not negate political legitimacy, nor disqualify prisoners from political leadership. On the contrary, they affirm the centrality of prisoners to the collective political project.

In this sense, prison candidacies in Palestine function as a refusal of political erasure at both an individual and collective level. They challenge the attempt to isolate prisoners from the wider movement, instead re-establishing them as representative figures whose authority comes from popular recognition rather than institutional approval.

More broadly, they assert continuity under conditions designed to produce fragmentation, ensuring that imprisonment does not translate into political disappearance.

This phenomenon is part of a wider historical pattern. From Bobby Sands and the Irish hunger strikers in 1981 to figures such as Eugene V. Debs in the United States and Selahattin Demirtaş in Turkey, who maintained political campaigns from prison, similar strategies have been used to push back against political erasure.

From historical practice to the present

Seen in this context, Gib’s candidacy is not an anomaly, but a contemporary expression of a broader political tradition. It draws on a well-established logic in which imprisonment is repurposed as a platform for reasserting and making visible political agency.

By standing for election from HMP Bronzefield, Gib brings this logic into the present moment in Britain, drawing attention to the wider conditions surrounding their case and its context.

Their candidacy raises compelling questions about the criminalisation of the Palestine movement, the use of pre-trial detention and punitive sentencing, and the ways in which dissent is managed within the current political landscape.

At the same time, Gib’s candidacy situates these questions within local politics, which is often framed as administrative rather than political. Local councils may be associated with service delivery, but they are also embedded in wider systems – through pension fund investments, procurement decisions, and the regulation of protest.

By entering this arena from prison, the campaign draws a direct line between local governance and broader structures of violence and complicity, challenging the idea that issues such as Palestine exist at a distance from everyday decision-making.

The significance of this moment lies in the conditions under which it is taking place. As the Palestine movement faces increasing repression, the question of how movements sustain visibility and political agency becomes more urgent.

Prison candidacies offer one response grounded in historical practice, showing that even under conditions designed to isolate and silence, political presence can be reasserted and reconnected to a wider constituency.

Gib’s candidacy represents the persistence of political agency under repression, and the tensions within a system that claims democratic legitimacy while criminalising dissent. It should be seen as part of a global legacy of political prisoners challenging power from within the systems that disempower them.

The Palestinian Youth Movement is a transnational, independent grassroots movement of young Palestinians and Arabs in exile as a result of the ongoing colonisation of our homeland.

Follow them on Twitter: @palyouthmvmt

Have questions or comments? Email us at: editorial-english@newarab.com.

Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.

Since most of the alleged perpetrators of these crimes belong to the so-called intellectual communities—writers, artists, media figures, and circles often perceived as enlightened or progressive—a troubling pattern has re-emerged in public discourse during the process of naming and shaming. They are either deliberately or unknowingly being described as “mentally ill” or "unstable," as if mental illness were the only plausible explanation for violence against women.

At first glance, this might seem like a reasonable attempt to explain the incomprehensible acts of sexual violence. After all, if someone commits such harm, surely they must be “abnormal” in some way. But seeing this framing within a culture that normalises violence against women makes it profoundly problematic.

Alibi

When we label an offender as a “sick” person, we suggest that the environment is fine, but this one individual has a sort of “virus” that makes them commit this crime. However, the crimes of sexual violence often take place with a chilling level of logic.

Sexual violence, a term used to describe any unwanted behaviour of a sexual nature, is primarily about dominance and control rather than uncontrollable desire. According to the Association of Alberta Sexual Assault Services, it comes as a result of ‘power imbalances that stem from attitudes and beliefs about those who are valued in our society and those who are not.’ Additionally, it cannot be seen as an isolated event, but rather ‘a pattern of behaviour that is upheld by systems of oppression.’

When a sexual predator uses their status to coerce a younger peer, they are performing a calculated act of power.

In the professional and cultural circles of Cairo, this power is often exercised as a tactical exploitation of hierarchy over usually vulnerable young girls and women. The offender isn't “suffering” from an impulse, but rather seeking subjugation. The predator here chooses the victim who is often either junior, and/or precarious, or socially vulnerable by demonstrating a keen, rational understanding of social dynamics.

Because this is a performance of power, it is a series of calculated decisions: whom to target, how to isolate them, and in some cases how to use “gaslighting” afterwards to ensure silence. When we use the word “sick”, we provide a medical alibi for a moral and legal choice. We suggest the offender is a victim of their own brain, rather than a master of their own actions.

Shifting the narrative

The major problem with this approach is that it takes sexual violence from the framework of criminality and sees it as a crime related to gender power dynamics. It views the rapist or harasser as a person with a mental disorder, which evokes pity rather than holding them accountable.

This delegitimises the survivors’ experiences. When the focus is on the “instability” of the offender, the narrative shifts from the survivor's trauma to the perpetrator's struggle.

The medicalisation of the crime fosters a sense of fatalism that sexual violence is a product of pathology, inevitable, and beyond social or legal intervention. The conversation, then, shifts into how to “fix” them rather than how to achieve justice for the survivor.

This does not deny the possibility that some mentally ill people could be complicit in sexual abuse and violent acts. However, considering mental health disorders as the first reference for sexual violence strips out the systemic nature of gender-based violence as a primary lens for such crimes.

Furthermore, putting sexual violence with mental health disorders on the same footing reinforces the stereotype that people with mental illnesses are inherently violent or dangerous, and thus, perpetuates the stigma upon people living with actual mental health conditions.

Context matters

In Egypt, this conflation of criminality with disorder is particularly dangerous because it intersects with both social and legislative structures that already disadvantage survivors.

Egyptian society often frames women’s bodies and behaviours as spaces requiring moral surveillance, which is further backed by a restrictive political environment, as demonstrated in the crackdown on “TikTok girls,” for example. At the same time, male violence is mostly excused as an individual deviance rather than a systemic issue. Suggesting that sexual harassers are mentally ill implicitly positions them outside the social norms that should govern behaviour.

Such a framing, paradoxically, sustains a culture of impunity by making sexual violence appear exceptional and unrepresentative, rather than a pervasive and addressable societal problem.

It is also worth questioning why society prefers explanations that individualise and medicalise sexual violence. There is comfort, perhaps, in thinking that rapists are “sick” people rather than acknowledging that violence against women is normalised in many aspects of everyday life. Acknowledging systemic factors is uncomfortable because it calls for collective responsibility and structural change.

Legally speaking, a crime is generally established through three essential elements: the legal element (that the act is defined and prohibited by law), the material element (the act itself and its harmful consequence), and the moral element, often referred to as criminal intent (mens rea). Intention is therefore central to confirming that the act was committed with awareness and will, and thus to attributing responsibility.

Replacing the word “criminal” with “sick” dilutes the legal gravity of these actions. This casts a doubt on this moral element and suggests that the solution is a therapist’s couch rather than a prison cell.

This should also be seen within a broader context where survivors of sexual harassment are facing death threats for going public, like the recent case of Mariam Shawky, or husbands killing their wives, having the jury’s compassion and reduction of sentences instead of the legally stated life imprisonment.

Understanding the full context here explains how the entire culture is normalising violence against women, and the social mindset is already prepared to accept it and excuse the predator.

When the discourse pivots to the “psychological state” of an offender, it leaves survivors unprotected, as society often becomes more concerned with the perpetrator’s reputation than the survivor’s safety. As a result, cases can be dismissed or treated leniently under the guise of “mental illness”, which further reinforces weak law enforcement and a lack of accountability

Sexual violence must be recognised for what it is: a means of dominance and subjugation. As we continue to support the brave voices coming forward, we must be precise in our language. We need to acknowledge that a sexual abuser is not a patient in need of clinical curiosity. They are criminals who have committed a crime that should be addressed in court. Furthermore, accountability is not a medical matter but a social and legal obligation. To break the cycle of violence, we must stop excusing it.

Esra Saleh is an Egyptian feminist journalist and media researcher, and the producer and host of Salmon Podcast. Her work explores how gender, media, and social change intersect, combining research, storytelling, and activism. She holds a Master’s in Gender and Media from the University of Sussex, UK, and a Master’s in Journalism and New Media from the Jordan Media Institute. An experienced gender and media consultant and trainer.

Follow Esra on LinkedIn

Have questions or comments? Email us at: editorial-english@newarab.com

Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.

Starmer told the BBC on Saturday that he would support banning demonstrations in some instances and demanded "tougher action" against people who use some slogans, including "globalise the intifada".

The government has come under renewed pressure from pro-Israel advocates to ban the protests after two Jewish men were stabbed in the London suburb of Golders Green on Wednesday.

A 45-year-old Somali-born British national been charged with three counts of attempted murder after committing several attacks in the capital, including against a Muslim man in Southwark.

"In the wake of the horrific antisemitic attack in Golders Green, politicians and the media have rushed to falsely characterise the marches for Palestine and to call for them to be suppressed," the Palestine Solidarity Campaign said in a statement.

"These calls dangerously conflate Jewish people with the state of Israel and peaceful political protest with unconnected violent acts. We utterly reject both."

Pro-Palestinian protesters have held regular demonstrations in London since October 2023, when the Israeli military began its genocidal war on Gaza.

Hundreds of thousands of people, among them thousands of Jewish activists, have attended the rallies to express outrage at the Israeli government's destruction of Gaza and occupation of the West Bank.

Following the attack, the government's independent reviewer of terrorism legislation, Jonathan Hall, called for a "moratorium" on the protests, claiming it was "impossible" for them not to "incubate" antisemitic language.

Critics allege that the phrase 'globalise the intifada' is antisemitic and claim it inspires attacks against Jews. Some pro-Palestinian advocates use the phrase to express support for resistance against the Israeli occupation. Intifada is an Arabic word meaning "uprising" or "shaking off".

The Stop the War Coalition called Hall's statements "unacceptable" and said the push to ban the protests is part of a broader agenda to clamp down on democratic rights.

"The aims to criminalise the protests, which reflect majority public opinion in this country, or worse, to connect them with racist or terrorist attacks being carried out against Jewish people, are scurrilous and should be rejected," the group said in a statement.

London police chief Mark Rowley also weighed in, telling Good Morning Britain on Friday that he is "really troubled" by the protests.

"Many of these marches set out with an intent to march near synagogues, and every single time we have put conditions on to prevent that," he said.

Ryvka Barnard, deputy director of the Palestine Solidarity Campaign, rejected Rowley's comments, calling them "dishonest and frankly dangerous".

"None of our marches or proposed march routes has ever targeted a synagogue or even directly passed one along its route, and the Met police knows that," she told The New Arab.

"It’s shocking that Rowley would make such dishonest and reckless comments in a moment when his police force should be focussed on protecting vulnerable people."

The Metropolitan Police declined to comment.

The Palestine Solidarity Campaign is planning to hold a large demonstration in central London on 16 May to mark the anniversary of the Nakba, when hundreds of thousands of Palestinians were driven from their land by Israeli forces.

Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch renewed her calls for a ban on Palestine protests in a BBC interview on Sunday but expressed support for the far-right Unite the Kingdom rally led by far-right anti-Islam activist Tommy Robinson.

Since coming to power, the Labour government has introduced new powers to curb the protests. Legislation passed last month allows police to ban demonstrations based on their "cumulative impact", a move that human rights groups have criticised for curtailing democratic rights.

Last year it proscribed the direct-action group Palestine Action, leading to the arrest of thousands of peaceful protesters under terror laws.

"It's strange that Keir Starmer and Jonathan Hall have learned nothing from the political disaster of proscribing Palestine Action. Attempts to ban peaceful opposition to genocide will always backfire," said a spokesperson for Defend our Juries, which organises the protests in support of Palestine Action.

"Anyone sincerely concerned to address the rise in antisemitic attacks should consider the false and cynical conflation of Israel's genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity with Jewish identity," they told The New Arab.

"Such a conflation misdirects rightful fury against the criminal Israeli government into wrongful and hateful prejudice against Jewish people."

The musician died at a hospital in Paris where he was undergoing medical treatment. His death followed a rapid deterioration in his condition which saw respiratory complications and severe colon problems, according to Egyptian media.

He had shown relative improvement before suffering a sudden relapse that kept him in intensive care.

His body will be returned to Egypt where he will be buried.

Social media flooded with heartfelt messages of condolences.

Mourning his father on Instagram, Sherif Shaker wrote in a post: "With hearts that accept God’s will and decree, I mourn my father – my friend, my backbone, my support, my beloved, and my brother - Hany Shaker, the Arab world’s ‘Prince of Arabic Song.’

"I have not only lost a father, but my soul and the closest person to my heart. May God have mercy on him, forgive him, and grant him paradise. We belong to God and to Him we shall return."

Shaker’s daughter, Dina, died in 2011 after battling cancer.

Born in Cairo in December 1952, the singer studied music at the Faculty of Music Education in the city’s Zamalek district. He appeared in a children’s singing show on Egyptian television, one of his earliest appearances where he was first introduced to the wider public.

Emerging in the 1970s as a contemporary of the giants of the 'Golden Age,' Shaker established a distinct musical identity through his classical romantic style and extensive discography, gaining his nickname the 'Prince of Arab Song'. 

In addition to his artistic contributions, he served as the head of the Egyptian Musicians' Syndicate for several years, where he was a key figure in regulating the country’s music industry.

He released around 29 albums, his last being in 2024. His last concert was on 2 April in Cairo.

Shaker leaves behind a vast cultural legacy that remains a cornerstone of modern Arabic music history.

In closed-door discussions, members of the Israeli army’s General Staff have called for a renewed offensive aimed at "decisively defeating Hamas", with officials saying that "the mission in Gaza has not been completed, and the Israeli army is compelled to return [to war] and target Hamas, due to its continued refusal to disarm".

'Destroying Hamas' as a pretext for genocide

The push comes despite a ceasefire formally in place since October 2025, which Israel itself declared had ended the war without fully dismantling Hamas’s capabilities. Israeli officials claim Hamas has "continued to strengthen its control", but critics dispute this, pointing to Gaza’s devastation and blockade as limiting any such capacity.

They argue that Hamas remains not because it has strengthened, but because Israel has failed to eliminate it, focusing more on killing and displacing the civilian population and destroying large parts of the enclave within the scope of its genocidal assault.

Some Israeli ministers have also openly advocated reasserting long-term Israeli control over Gaza, fuelling claims that the war’s objectives extend beyond defeating Hamas.

Since the start of the war, Israel has launched several large-scale operations, most notably Operation Gideon’s Chariots in 2025, alongside earlier and subsequent ground offensives in northern Gaza, Khan Younis and Rafah.

These campaigns involved mass displacement of civilians and widespread destruction of residential areas and civilian infrastructure. Israel has consistently said these operations were aimed at "destroying Hamas", but the group remains intact.

Expanding control

At the same time, Israel has been expanding its territorial control inside Gaza during the ceasefire.

By pushing what is known as the "yellow line" further west, Israeli forces now control roughly 59% of the Strip, up from around 53% when the ceasefire came into effect.

Did the war ever stop?

However, for Palestinians in Gaza, the war has not meaningfully ended during the ceasefire.

Despite the ceasefire, Israeli airstrikes, shootings and targeted killings have continued on a near-daily basis, with Palestinians killed in multiple incidents across the territory.

Israel killed three Palestinians on Saturday alone, while reports suggest hundreds more have been killed since the ceasefire took effect, alongside repeated violations of its terms.

The Israeli military has also intensified operations in recent weeks, killing over 100 Palestinians and increasing the pace of strikes and assassinations compared to the early ceasefire period.

Preparations for a wider escalation also appear to be underway.

The army has reduced its troop presence in southern Lebanon and redeployed regular brigades to Gaza and the occupied West Bank, while its Southern Command has completed operational plans for a renewed ground offensive, pending political approval.

Israeli divisions

Still, there are divisions within Israel’s military leadership. Some officials have raised concerns about launching a major ground operation without mobilising additional reserve forces, warning of the strain on troops who have already completed around 80 days of service this year.

Others have suggested delaying any large-scale offensive for several months to avoid placing further pressure on reservists.

Meanwhile, indirect talks between Hamas and mediators have continued in Cairo, though Israeli officials claim the group has refused to move forward with the second phase of the ceasefire, which includes disarmament.

However, Hamas has said it would only be discussed after Israel fully implements its own obligations under the agreement.

The seven major producers will add "188,000 barrels per day" to their total production quota for June, as part of "their collective commitment to support oil market stability," according to a statement published by OPEC+. The statement made no mention of the United Arab Emirates, which quit the body this week.

Oil market analysts had widely expected the increase of 188,000 barrels, which is similar to the 206,000-barrel daily increases OPEC+ announced in both March and April, subtracting the portion allotted to the UAE.

But raising the quota on paper may not have much impact on actual production, which is already short of the limit.

Untapped OPEC+ reserves are mainly located in the Gulf region, and exports there are trapped by the blockade of the vital Strait of Hormuz, imposed by Iran in response to the US-Israeli strikes that started the war on February 28.

Jorge Leon, an analyst at Rystad Energy, told AFP on Sunday that the cartel was looking to send "a two-layer message" that the UAE's exit would not disrupt how OPEC+ operates and that the group still exerts control over global oil markets despite massive disruption to oil trade due to the war.

"While output is increasing on paper, the real impact on physical supply remains very limited given the Strait of Hormuz constraints," Leon told AFP. "This is less about adding barrels and more about signaling that OPEC+ still calls the shots."

The UAE, one of the world's top producers, announced April 28 it was withdrawing from the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the expanded OPEC+ group, after chafing at their production quotas. The withdrawal took effect on Friday.

Neither group has reacted publicly so far - making the lack of any mention of the UAE in Sunday's statement notable. The statement followed an online meeting by OPEC+ members Algeria, Iraq, Kazakhstan, Kuwait, Oman, Russia and Saudi Arabia.

Soldiers stormed Nablus on Sunday afternoon and surrounded a building in the city centre, firing live ammunition, stun grenades and tear gas.

The Palestinian Red Crescent said Nayef Firas Ziad Samaro, 26, was killed by live fire during the operation. At least four other people were wounded by gunshots, including a 12-year-old child who was shot in the shoulder, while around 40 others were treated for smoke inhalation.

The Palestinian health ministry said Samaro’s body was brought to a local hospital where his wife was in labour at the time of the raid.

According to UN figures, at least 42 Palestinians have been killed since the start of the year by Israeli soldiers and settlers in the West Bank.

In a separate incident, Israeli forces stormed the town of Deir al-Ghusun, north of Tulkarm, interrogating dozens of residents after raiding and searching multiple homes.

A 13-year-old boy was also injured after being beaten by soldiers in al-Ram, north of Jerusalem, before being transferred to hospital in Ramallah. He is now in good condition, according to the Jerusalem Governorate.

Settlers uproot hundreds of olive trees

Meanwhile, Israeli settlers uprooted more than 1,000 olive trees over the past day across multiple villages in the occupied West Bank, local officials said.

Awad Abu Samra, a member of the Turmus Ayya municipality, told The New Arab that settlers uprooted nearly 1,000 olive trees, around 50 years old, in the town’s plain. He said such attacks have become an almost daily occurrence, adding that more than 15,000 olive trees have been destroyed in the area over the past six months.

A settlement outpost has been established on the edge of Turmus Ayya, roughly 300 metres from the last Palestinian homes, leading Israeli authorities to restrict Palestinians’ access to their land.

Abu Samra said settlers attempted a similar incursion two days earlier, trying to enter the agricultural land with tractors before being confronted by residents, who forced them to withdraw.

In Qusra, south of Nablus, mayor Abdul Azim Wadi told The New Arab that settlers uprooted more than 400 olive trees - including some over 70 years old - in the eastern part of the town, near the illegal settlement of Migdalim.

In the Wadi Qana area of Deir Istiya, northwest of Salfit, settlers cut down around 40 olive trees and destroyed multiple solar panels, according to Hassan Mleihat of the Al-Baydar human rights organisation.

Mleihat added that settlers also stormed the Bedouin community of Al-Shajara, east of Duma.

Zaidi’s appointment came after a months-long political deadlock where rival parties failed to agree on a new premier and amid US pressure to exclude Nouri al-Maliki, who is considered to be aligned with Iran. 

Iraq has long been a battleground for external powers.

It has played a balancing act between Iran, which has strong influence in the country through its Shia allies, and the US, which led the 2003 invasion and occupation of the country.

Under Iraq’s power-sharing structure, the prime minister is reserved for a Shia, the speaker of parliament a Sunni, and the presidency - a largely ceremonial role - a Kurd.

Iraqi political sources informed on the matter told The New Arab that reaching a consensus on ministerial appointments or formulating the government’s programme is no longer a priority for the future cabinet, due to a set of US conditions delivered to Baghdad.

The US has reportedly indicated that it will not engage with any administration that includes representatives from factions designated by Washington as terrorist organisations, in a reference to Iran-backed Shia factions.

President Donald Trump spoke over the phone with Zaidi after his appointment, but the move was understood in Iraq to be a "conditional endorsement", pending the cabinet formation.

Dozens of militia leaders and members were killed in suspected US-Israeli strikes on Iraq, amid the wider Middle East war that began on 28 February.

Airstrikes targeted bases belonging to the Popular Mobilisation Forces, an umbrella group that includes a number of factions, including the powerful Kataib Hezbollah militia.

Iran-backed groups repeatedly struck American interests in Iraq including the US embassy and troops stationed in the northern Kurdish city of Erbil.

Not a simple task

An unnamed senior member of the Shia-led Coordination Framework told TNA that one of the main US conditions for cooperating with the new government is to reshape Iraq’s armed landscape by dismantling Iran-backed militant groups.

This would include disarming them and integrating their weapons into the state’s arsenal, as well as preventing any direct role for them in the next cabinet formation.

He added that Zaidi has informed Coordination Framework leaders of the importance of cooperating on this issue to ensure the success of the government, warning that failure to do so could lead to "uncertain scenarios" with Washington that would harm Iraq economically.

Another political source told TNA that most leaders within the Coordination Framework support avoiding confrontation with Washington. However, the current dispute centres on attempts to exclude armed factions from government representation, which some groups view as part of their electoral entitlement.

The source added that discussions about disarming, integrating, or dismantling these factions would require a defined timeframe and major legal and security mechanisms, noting that "the Americans cannot speak about it as if it were a simple button the next Iraqi government can press".

He said it is therefore unlikely that any government commitments or acceptance of these conditions would materialise in the short term, especially given Washington’s use of the threat of economic sanctions against Iraq, describing the process as a medium- to long-term path that will not be easy.

Coordination Framework member Adi al-Khadran told TNA that "any talk of external conditions or dictates related to the formation of the Iraqi government or the shaping of its political and security structure is categorically rejected", stressing that "national decision-making must remain exclusively in the hands of Iraqi political forces, without any external interference".

Al-Khadran added that the Coordination Framework rejects linking international support or bilateral relations with Iraq to conditions that infringe on national sovereignty or attempt to impose internal arrangements on the structure of the government.

Iran's allies in Iraq have long called on the US to leave the country. Around 2,000 American troops remain in Iraq after a recent drawdown.

Adel al-Nawwab & The New Arab staff.

The sources said the strike, which occurred at about 22:00 local time (2000 GMT) on Saturday, hit the family house of Abu Aqla Kaykal, commander of the Sudan Shield Forces, in the village of al-Kaheli, around 40 kilometres (25 miles) east of Wad Madani, the capital of Al-Jazirah state in central Sudan.

They blamed the attack on the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which have been at war with Sudan's army since April 2023.

Among those killed were two of Kaykal's brothers, Azzam and Haidar, a relative, Siddiq Bakhit - a commander in the Sudan Shield Forces - and six children from the family, the sources said. The house and several neighbouring homes were also damaged, they added.

Kaykal previously served as the RSF's commander in Al-Jazirah state, where he has been accused of besieging entire villages.

He defected to the army's side in October 2024, after which his fighters joined military operations that helped the army recapture key areas of central Sudan, including Al-Jazirah and the capital Khartoum.

Both the RSF and the Sudan Shield Forces have faced accusations of committing atrocities during Sudan's ongoing conflict.

Kaykal has been accused of abuses against civilians both during his time with the RSF and since aligning with the army.

Neither the RSF nor the Sudanese army has commented on the reported drone attack.

Drone strikes by both sides have intensified in recent months, at times killing dozens of people in a single attack.

Khartoum was hit twice this week for the first time in months, while fighting has escalated elsewhere, including in Darfur, southern Kordofan and southeastern Blue Nile state.

Now in its fourth year, Sudan's war has killed tens of thousands of people - with some estimates placing the death toll above 200,000 - displaced millions and triggered one of the world's largest humanitarian crises.

This comes several months after Syria's government reached an agreement with Kurdish authorities to gradually reunify the autonomous region with the rest of the country.

"Four brigades have been formed from the Syrian Democratic Forces and officially incorporated into the military structure," Sipan Hamo, deputy defence minister for the eastern region, told Kurdish news agency Hawar.

The brigades have been deployed to Kobani, Hassakah, Qamishli, and Derik in northern Syria, he said.

Hamo was appointed deputy defence minister in March following the government's agreement with the SDF.

During Syria's civil war, he rose to become a leading figure in Kurdish military circles, founding the People's Defence Units (YPG) in 2011 and later joining the SDF general command.

The SDF agreed to rejoin national institutions in March after the government brought much of the autonomous region under its control in a military offensive.

Under the deal, the SDF agreed for its members to join state institutions, hand over control of key infrastructure, and merge its administrative agencies with those of the central government.

They also agreed to set up three brigades of Kurdish troops to serve under the command of the defence ministry.

The defence ministry and the SDF are discussing further expanding the number of Kurdish troops in the army, which could lead to the formation of new brigades, Hamo told the news agency.

Earlier this month, the SDF began handing over control of the region's prisons to the government and dismantling checkpoints.

Prior to the agreement, Kurdish authorities had controlled almost a third of the country's territory since the early days of the civil war and the campaign against Islamic State.

President Ahmed al-Sharaa vowed to reunify the country after the overthrow of the Assad regime in December 2024 and had engaged in months of negotiations with SDF leader Mazloum Abdi.

Skirmishes between Syrian troops and SDF fighters culminated in a decisive government offensive in January that retook most of the region and forced Kurdish authorities into agreeing a ceasefire.

Videos online showed the ultranationalist at the party, with Hebrew writing on the cake reading: "Congratulations Minister Ben-Gvir. Sometimes dreams come true."

Some social media users said the cake was a gift from his wife, Ayala.

According to The Times of Israel, the birthday party was already controversial after Ben-Gvir invited members of the police’s General Command Staff, a security agency his ministry oversees. He has been accused of abusing his ministerial powers.

The highly controversial law, passed by a majority in the Israeli parliament in March, mandates the death penalty for Palestinians and has been championed by Ben-Gvir and his Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Strength) party.

Under the legislation, Palestinians in the occupied West Bank convicted by military courts of carrying out deadly attacks classified as "terrorism" will face the death penalty as a default sentence.

The law has been slammed by rights groups, while a UN watchdog saying it perpetuates racial discrimination and is unprecedented in its design, creating a system of capital punishment that applies exclusively to one population under occupation.

They warn that such a framework, combining the death penalty with military courts and limited avenues for appeal, marks a troubling departure from broader international norms.

"When incitement to kill Palestinian hostages becomes a "birthday cake", it reveals the true mentality governing the policies of the [Israeli] occupation," one account wrote in a caption over the video on X.

"This is not just extremism; this is complete moral depravity."

Another X user wrote: "Even in celebrating birth he wants more death. Very disturbing."

Israel has only applied the death penalty twice: in 1948, shortly after the state's founding, against a military captain accused of high treason, and then in 1962, when the Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann was hanged.

A small boat carrying migrants trying to cross the English Channel ran aground on a beach in northern France, leaving two dead and 16 people injured, including three with serious burns, authorities said Sunday.

The vessel, carrying 82 people, set out overnight from Hardelot beach, a few kilometers (miles) south of the port of Boulogne-sur-Mer, but the engine failed and it began to drift, Christophe Marx, secretary-general of the Pas-de-Calais prefecture, told reporters.

A French maritime gendarmerie vessel rescued 17 people and brought them to Boulogne-sur-Mer, while the makeshift boat ran aground with 65 others still on board.

Two women were found dead, most likely from suffocation, Marx said. They are believed to have been “crushed or asphyxiated, as unfortunately often happens on boats … where too many people are packed in,” he said.

The women were believed to be in their 20s and to have come from Sudan, he said, adding that an investigation was underway. Three of the injured were in very serious condition with burns caused by fuel at the bottom of the boat, he added.

It was the third deadly incident involving migrants trying make the perilous crossing to the U.K. in just over a month.

Last month, two men and two women died as they were trying to board an inflatable boat off the coast of northern France. British authorities arrested a man from Sudan on suspicion of endangering life in that case. The week before, two other people died in similar circumstances off the coast north of Calais.

The U.K. and French governments signed last month a new multimillion-euro deal aimed at reducing the number of migrants crossing the English Channel, with increased police patrols and enhanced surveillance in northern France.

So far this year, more than 6,000 migrants have reached the U.K. after crossing the channel, down 36% from the same period last year, a drop that may partly reflect more unsettled weather.

Before Sunday's deaths, migrant aid group Utopia 56 said that at least 172 people have died at the French-U.K. border over the past three years, including 123 at sea.

Israel on Sunday approved a multi-billion-dollar deal to acquire two combat squadrons of fighter jets from the United States, with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu saying it would "reinforce" its air superiority.

The purchase includes a squadron of F-35 multi-role stealth fighters from Lockheed Martin and another of F-15IA warplanes from Boeing, Israel's defence ministry said.

The plan aims to "ensure Israel's air superiority for decades to come," Defence Minister Israel Katz said in a statement.

"The F-35 and F-15IA acquisitions are central to the 'Shield of Israel' plan, which is designed to give the IDF (Israeli military) a lasting qualitative edge," he said.

The F-35, a joint project between the United States and a number of allies, is one of the world's most advanced military aircraft. Israel already operates several dozen of the jets.

Netanyahu said it would bolster Israel's "overwhelming air superiority" but pledged to start building its own weapons and fighter planes.

"Our pilots can reach anywhere in the skies of Iran and are ready to do so, if needed," he said.

"Over the next decade we will add 350 billion shekels ($118 billion) to the defence budget in order to manufacture such weaponry in Israel and not be dependent on foreign suppliers," he said.

"At the same time, we will develop 'blue-and-white' groundbreaking aircraft. This will change the entire picture," he said, using a term for products developed in Israel.

Israel's air force played a central role in the war in Gaza, carrying out one of the most intense aerial bombardment campaigns in recent history.

Thousands of strikes targeted what Israel claimed were Hamas positions, including tunnels, command centres and rocket launch sites, but vast areas of the densely populated territory were devastated, including homes, hospitals and schools.

Israel has also fought two wars against Iran in less than a year, during which its air power has been used for long-range strikes deep inside Iranian territory.

Israeli officials have described the strikes as precise and aimed at degrading Iran's strategic capabilities, while Iranian officials have reported repeated waves of air raids on key cities and industrial areas.

Israel recently approved its 2026 budget, which includes an increase in defence spending of billions of dollars.

Israel's military spending has steadily increased since the war in Gaza began following Hamas's October 7, 2023 attack on Israel.

In addition to its recent weeks-long war with Iran, fought alongside its ally the United States, Israel continues to bombard Lebanon claiming to be targeting the Iran-backed Hezbollah in the south.