The southern nations of Donald Trump’s New American Empire

Muscovy in Ukraine.  America in Venezuela (seemingly permanently).  Next: Beijing in Taiwan.  Trump has opened the door.  The pieces of the new world order are falling into place.  The authoritarian world ... the world of empires foretold by Sergei Glazyev ... is coming into view.  There is no one to defend the old order.  The dynastics of the Money Power (aka the investor class), the asset managers, the central bankers, the hedge funders beneath them will take note.  The initialled institutions of globalism ... the UN, the World Bank, the IMF, the WEF will take note.  The dateline banks and corporations will take note.  The technocrats and managers and ambitious politicians will take note.  Globalism will not be at all inconvenienced.  Why should it be?  China is the WEF’s preferred model for public-private partnership and social control, and the western corporations are Chinese corporations.  The powerful, therefore, have been given a shot in the arm.  Force, as the standard for national, political and social organisation, has been advanced, and sovereignty, freedom, and law have been pushed down.

Nationalist or liberal, we’re on our own.  Looking ahead, it’s probably up to Canada to hold the sovereign line.

The keynote speech at the annual Patriotic Alternative conference three weekends ago was delivered as always by Mark Collett.  Over its forty-minute length he set out a crystal clear statement of where we British natives are headed demographically and socially.  He stated plainly that the loss of living space and ancient family lines will continue into the future, and the oppressive control of the state will develop likewise.  Violence against us will be commonplace.  But Mark also asserted that visible and invisible constraints upon us will arrest any counter-development that might lead to a liberation from our travails.  Based on the failure of the BNP, in which he was so active, he eschewed hope for the political path.  He also had no time for talk of an eventual armed resistance (understandably so – no one should lightly wish war on his own people).  Instead, he held out hope for a greater and greater awakening and a gathering together in the face of all the escalating travail.  Unsurprisingly, as a “ground-up” theorist and activist he focussed on the “white working-class” who most bear the burden of the British Establishment’s seven-decade race project.  He is, then, driven by a realism which it would be wise to heed.  Even so, significant issues arise; three of which I will address.

First, for reference, here is the speech.  And here are the issues:

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A dozen years ago I published a pair of essays on prescriptive ideologies, the first of which examined the behavioural forms required of us by Judaism and Christianity, stating:

Had I written from a more evolutionary perspective it would, of course, have been a different essay, more given to cause than effect.  This is it, or its first of two parts, at least.

Segment of an illustration from Phillip Medhurst Collection depicting Joshua fighting Amalek (Exodus 17)

An ancient and alien ambition lays over the West, and for its sake a web woven of words have been spun, not for decades or even for centuries but for two-and-a-half thousand years or more.  Today that web lays over the whole spiritual, intellectual and socio-political substance of western life.  In operation, it overlays our very nature, exploiting both our innate love of freedom and our sense of fairness, and consistently defining us as something we are not.  We can call it Judaism.  We can call it Jewish ethnic activism.  But it is a house of many mansions, one of which we think of it as our own system of faith, though it is not our system.  It is an impost inducting us into a life that serves that same ambition.  How, though, did this extraordinary situation come to pass?  What is its meaning for us?

In abstract philosophical terms it is a selective war for universalism conducted against the particularism of Nature.  The starting point in this struggle for the Universal Gentile is unpromising.  The ethnocentric, tribal, endogamous group living alone on its ancestral land is “in” Nature, of course.  But, then, so is the contrary dynamic of human migration for reasons of ecological failure or war or expansion.  The latter is as old as the first wave Out of Africa.  Yet the balance between these forces powerfully favours trait-fitness to environment and, with it, human difference (irrefutably manifesting in our technological age as the gene clusters of population genetics).  Particularism outstrips universalism.  Any engineered attempt to reverse that order necessarily does violence to Man and Nature.  Yet in the west today a battery of universalist moral, religious and political dicta do just that, having held sway since the end of World War Two in some instances and for many centuries longer in others.  In this essay we shall outline the evolutionary and philosophical fundamentals of those dicta, and explain why, even as the politics of the west shifts to the right, they will continue to contest for dominion over our lives.

Let it be acknowledged that there are causal factors for universalism in the advance of modernity and techne and in the phenomenon of empire, the role of money, and trade.  Such considerations bear on the political world in fundamental and formative ways, commending to it a political culture of openness, multiplicity, abstract values, materialism, and so forth.  But, tellingly, they are open to interrogation of their historical and methodological fact, and to the free exchange of academic and lay opinion.  No one is propagandised into the “self-evident truth” that discussing them is just terribly, terribly wrong.  No one is afraid of the social and professional costs of discussing them.  No one is accosted by secretive political activists for doing so, and accused by police of the blood libel of a monstrous, irrational hatred supposedly ever-present in the European heart and ever-ready to burst into terrifying life.  No one is then charged under novel laws that codify that libel, in practise rescinding the presumption for innocence.  No one is put before the kind of judge who finds no such hatred in his own heart yet he does not hesitate to impute it to another’s.  So no one is forced through a judicial process under which a guilty verdict is, for all intents and purposes, inevitable from the outset.  No one is then handed down a prison sentence many a career real criminal will never receive.  Yet neither the judge nor the prosecutor nor the police need suffer a moment’s bad conscience.  For that would require a free and informed moral judgement, while all this drab conformity only makes automatons of everyone involved. 

No one suffers a single part of that for proposing that modernity or techne or empire are parents of universalism.  But then there is the Judaic universalism, which abides also in Christianity, and there it is a different story.  Through the Christian influence it becomes formative not only of the political culture but of all culture and of the European mind itself.  Whether we can discuss that without a Jewish political activist seeking to ascribe “hate” to us is a nice question.  But as allegedly free men and as Europeans we must clearly try.  We must make our start-point earlier in this baleful history, however.

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After Elon Musk’s Grok it’s OpenAI’s 2022 offering, ChatGPT.

I posted the same opening enquiry:

What is the higher moral cause, the survival and continuity of colonised peoples or the success of the colonisation (given that successful colonisations result in the loss of the natives to a lesser or greater degree)?

And off we go.  ChatGTP is noticeably faster with the response, which is literally instantaneous.  But just as exhaustive.

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A couple of days ago I was informed by a fellow nationalist that both Chat GTP and Grok tend to err on the progressive side; and perhaps no one should be surprised by that.  So I wondered what might happen if the ultimate nationalist argument was deployed against these mechanical marvels.  Would there be some response which we have not seen from the miserable conventionalists of the Establishment and the left?  I haven’t tried Chat GTP yet.  But this was my experience with Grok, commencing with my initial response to its breezy “How can Grok help?”  Well ...

What is the higher moral cause, the survival and continuity of colonised peoples or the success of the colonisation (given that successful colonisations result in the loss of the natives to a lesser or greater degree)?

Eleven seconds later back came the reply.

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This is the introduction and first part of a four-part series of essays on the nationalism of ethnicity and nation.  This series is intended as a pointer towards a more definitive and necessarily academic study of this aspect of human being, the arrival of which is so sorely needed in the life of European Man.

“Imagination rules the world.” - Napoleon Bonaparte

Should one ever be written, and should it be suitably authoritative and holistic, a theory of ethnic nationalism would – theoretically - supply the means of intellectually formalising and lifting the cause of European peoples out of the darkness in which it has dwelt since 1945 and into the glaring academic light.  Such a shift would, of course, require that it be fairly received by the author’s peers, and not mechanically condemned.  That may become possible if or when the political zeitgeist shifts further to the populist right and, even for academics, freedom from the anti-racist yolk, the neo-Marxist yolk, becomes ever more necessitous.

Here, one has to acknowledge the fact that there are three as yet open questions:

i) Are we really at, or approaching, a genuine inflection point in the western Establishment’s long war upon our genetic fact?  Does the rise of populist parties across the European racial world, allied to the collapse in support for the old two-party system, and allied also to the wave of public anti-immigration protest which is swelling as I write … does all that signal a fundamental and permanent break from the post-WW2 paradigm, or is this a false dawn?

ii) Will a suitably creative philosophical thinker grasp the opportunity to hand, re-imagine the European life-cause, go to the fundamentals and address the existential gap in the literature of ethnic nationalism?

iii) Will such a philosopher’s peers, suddenly released to think and write all manner of formerly forbidden truths, take up his invitation to break out even on this most forbidden of subjects, and begin the work of expanding his new perspective?  Because that is what it will take to assemble the critical mass required to challenge systemic liberalism and change everything.

If the answer to all three is yes, then there is a clear potential for academics to slip their bonds like the rest of us, and meet their appointment with history.  But it isn’t guaranteed.  Inflection is a subtle and unavoidably serendipitous matter.  The reacting Establishment may still find a security solution, beef up its legal sanctions and surveillance, even cancel elections to regain control – albeit this time undeniably a tyrant’s control - over the rebellion.  But then we would perforce be pitched into assessing the potentials for a violent rebellion, even a full civil war á la David Betz at Kings.  We are not doing that at this stage.  We are relying on the liberal democratic heritage to see us through, and on the very human preference for the light over darkness, and for freedom over chains.

In respect to the chains, three open questions might seem too many to warrant much enthusiasm.  Certainly in Britain and in continental Europe, freedom of enquiry, freedom of speech, freedom of thought have never been constitutionally guaranteed.  There have been centuries of incursions against them by the crown or the church, invariably because of some imposed burden or falsehood from which no dissent is tolerated.  In our time suppression has been democratised.  All manner of petty people seem to be suppressing our freedoms by one means or another.  Not only humanities professors (and their students) or even politicians and governments, but billionaires, writers, actors, media personalities, left-wing activists of all stripes, Jewish activists, Muslim activists, trans activists … they have all weighed in to suppress what others, not only nationalists, may need or desire to say.  The crudest and most salient of them, and the one officially employed, indeed weaponised in the Establishment’s cause, is the hard left.  In Britain we now see the police suppressing local public dissent by escorting, and probably transporting in, (illegally) masked activists with “Stand Up To Racism” placards supplied by the suspiciously well-funded Socialist Workers Party.  It is fifty years since such creatures served the secret State by attacking lone National Front members out with their families.  They remain the State’s pathological go-to for intimidating the protesting public.  But … inflection.  Barely a year after Southport and with immigration casting an existential shadow, one can think of little more likely to confirm public opinion on the moral balance, and to harden public attitudes, than the broken-toothed rictus grin and dirty jabbing finger of anti-racism.

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A rules-based order or the rule of mafia states?  Not really a difficult choice, is it?

The analyst Jason Smart on Russia and the fate of unlucky elites:

Chapters:
00:00 The Kremlin’s Purges
02:36 Intro
02:58 The Russian military vs Russian FSB’s fight.
05:28 Russian Minister of Transports’ “suicide”
10:19 Why does Russia rely on such brutality?
10:37 Key to understanding the Kremlin

The English “can trace their roots back over generations” and have a history which is “the legacy of our collective identity”. This should be an uncontroversial claim. When the Venerable Bede wrote his Ecclesiastical History of the English People, almost 1,300 years ago, he felt no need to define the English, and even described “the English nation” as existing in the 6th century.

The first King of the English, Æthelstan, was crowned in 927AD, and it was during his reign that the word “England” was first written down, by Ælfric of Eynsham. The English have been a people, and England a country, for a very long time. We are what the Bible calls an ethnos; a people and a nation.

Making a point nationalists have made for decades, and in the same general language, someone named David Shipley, of whom I previously knew nothing, was allowed by the Daily Telegraph to write the most positive (albeit pay-walled) statement of Englishness I have encountered in the MSM for as long as I can remember.  It followed the reaction from certain quarters to a video interview of the steadily right-migrating Matt Goodwin with the former Conservative minister Michael Gove, who is now editor of the DT’s sister publication The Spectator, .  You can see it here:

As Shipley puts it, Goodwin drew:

a distinction between Britishness, a wide, cultural identity, and Englishness, a “very distinct identity… which goes back for centuries”.

Shipley then names four of the many spitting blood at Goodwin for this heresy, none of whom, in truth, have any business telling a whole people it may not exist.  Three are Jews.  The other is a former backroom boy in the Blair government named John McTernan.  He describes himself as “Irish” and “never English”.  “The concept of the ethnic English is truly evil”, says McTernan, which is an astonishing and hateful claim.  “Is it racist to recognise that the English exist?” asks Shipley of his readers.  In his closing paragraph he answers his own question:

It seems that this anger and horror that the English might identify as an ethnos is grounded in a prideful self-loathing. To suggest, as McTernan did, that it is “truly evil” to even conceive of the English as an ethnic group, is to deny our right to describe, recognise and understand ourselves. That is the true evil.

Well, it’s actually a modus operandum of the true evil that is the erasure of our ethnicity and peoplehood.  But the journey of a thousand miles, they say, starts with a single step.  Let that be it, and let the impudent scheming of the British Establishment and its agora of hostiles like McTernan be dragged into the light of day.  Let the final step of the nationalist journey bring us home as a native English people seething with the life and energy, positivity, and natural spirit that manifested itself right up to 1945.  Let each charactered part, each person, know what it is to belong to the whole and to be steeped in mutual recognition and mutual acceptance, therefore; each given to care where now there is indifference, and to feel generosity where now there is estrangement and withholding; and let each and every one of us be imbued with a sense of the venture and destining of the all.  These things made concrete make the land and home of an authentic “ethnos, a people and a nation”.  Sunk in the estrangements of liberal modernity though we are today, for each Englishman and woman to be able one day to know this lived truth again, and to be able to name it, and speak that name with love, would be enough.