Autumn 2025: An online course on Radical Women, 1918 to 1978

Emmie 2

Women's Liberation march 1971

This autumn I  will be teaching an online course using Zoom on Radical Women, 1918 to 1978.

I am a  freelance historian and have been researching and writing about  radical   women  for many years. I have  been running online courses using Zoom since  March 2020.

My published work includes “Up Then  Brave  Women” : Manchester’s Radical Women  1819-1918 and “For the sake of the women who are to come after:” Manchester’s Radical women, 1914-1945

The course   will last 8  weeks and will be held in the afternoons, starting on  Sunday  5 October 2025 , 2pm,  and ending  on Sunday 23 November 2025.    The course fee will be £48.

The format is that I speak about the  topic, for about 45 minutes,  followed  by a discussion among course members. Afterwards I will send out a handout and suggest some further  reading.

For more information or to reserve  a place, please email me, Michael Herbert : [email protected]

Course outline

The course will include the following

Image

1920s

  • What happened to women workers after the end  of the war ?
  • Women in the National Unemployed Workers’ Movement
  • Campaigns for equality  and the Equal Rights Procession, July 1926
  • Women’s International League
  • Peacemakers’ Pilgrimage, 1926
  • The campaign to make birth control available
  • The General Strike

The 1930s

  • Women in the National Unemployed Workers’ Movement
  • Women  and the fight against the fascist Blackshirts
  • Women and the Spanish Civil War

Ruby Loftus

The Second World War

  • Evacuation, September 1939
  • Women war workers
  • Ellen Wilkinson’s war
  • The Women’s Parliaments 1941 and 1942

Ellen Wilkinson

Post-war 1945-51

  • Ellen Wilkinson’s peace
  • The Equal Pay Commission
  • Women and work after the war
  • The squatting movement  in 1946

1950s housewives

The 1950s

  • Women and work
  • Leisure
  • Sex and Marriage
  • Equal pay
  • Peggy Duff and the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament
  • Claudia Jones

Shrew front cover October 1969

The 1960s and  1970s

  • Social and cultural change
  • The Permissive Society
  • The Underground
  • The women strikers at Ford and Equal Pay
  • Patricia Veal and the United Nurses’ Association
  • Women’s Liberation movement, 1969 to 1978

Autumn 2024 : Online course on Radical Women: from Mary Wollstonecraft to Votes for Women

Image

Mary Wollstonecraft

Vindication

This 10  week online  course will be an introduction to the history of radical women in Britain.  It will take place online using Zoom on Sundays at 2pm , starting on  Sunday 22nd September and ending on Sunday 1st December. There will a break on Sunday 27th October.

I will speak about the topic for about 50  minutes, followed by  a discussion  amongst course members on the issue raised.  I will send out  a summary and suggestions for further  reading. No previous knowledge is neccessary for this  course.

The fee is £60 which is  payable in advance. For more information and/or  to book  a place  on the course please email me, Michael Herbert:     [email protected]

The course  will include:

Mary Wollstonecraft and the radical  politics of the 1790s, Mary’s  book Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), written against the backdrop of the French Revolution,  is a key text in the story of radical women.

Women’s  participation in popular disturbances  in 1812 . Against a background of economic depression, the north of England saw an outbreak of organised attacks on mills and food rioting.

Female Reform Societies  and the Peterloo massacre of 1819. In  the summer of 1819  women formed themselves into Female Reform Societies calling for the reform  of Parliament  and issued addresses to the public.  Women were present on the field of Peterloo in Manchester on 16th August 1819 and were among the dead and injured

Women  Republicans in the 1820s.  Women  were active in the Republican movement  which was inspired by the political writings of Richard Carlile who was jailed for five years along with his wife and sister.

Women and  Owenite Socialism.  Women  were active as participants  and lecturers in the socialist movement of the 1830s whose key theorist was Robert Owen.  A number of women such as Eliza Martin were also active in the  cause of atheism.

Women and the Chartist movement, 1838-1848.  Chartism was a mass movement which called for the wholesale reform of the political  system  in favour of working people.  Women  were active in  dozens of Female Chartist   Societies.

Women and the campaign against slavery. Women formed Anti-Slavery societies and pioneered consumer boycotts of sugar.

ImageSuffragettes,_England,_1908

Votes for Women,  1866-1928. In the final  part of the course we will look at the long campaign for Votes for Women  which began  with a petition to parliament in 1866 and lasted for sixty years until victory was won. It will include both constitutional suffragists in the National Society for Women’s  Suffrage  and militant  suffragettes in the Women’s  Social and Political Union and Women’s Freedom League.

Some comments  from previous course members

          I attended this course on 19th Radical women and found it both informative and enjoyable. An excellent course for anyone wanting more information on womens/social history at this time. Jane

          Michael’s online course on the history of working class women in the 20th century was one of my early lockdown highlights. The sessions themselves were fun and fascinating with plenty of time for discussion and responses. In between sessions Michael sent out lots of supplementary resources so that we could read, watch and listen in advance, and follow up on the women and events which most interested us. I loved learning about women I’d vaguely heard of and others who were completely new to me – it’s largely a forgotten history which I’m so pleased I now know a bit about. Shereen

          I found the course very interesting and enjoyable. It sheds light on the role played by radical women in the 19th century, with particular focus on the North of England, and the challenges they faced. The sessions provided a wealth of information and back-up documents which served as pointers for further research, and identified wider patterns. There was also time for discussion. Myriam

About me

I have been researching and writing about  the history of radical   women for many years. My  published work includes:   Up Then Brave Women : Manchester’s Radical  Women 1819-1918 (2012) and “For the sake of the women who are to come after”:  Manchester’s Radical Women 1915 to 1945 (2019).   I have compiled an anthology of the work  of Madeline Linford , the first woman  on the Editorial Board of the  Manchester Guardian,  which  will be published in the autumn.  You can find more information on these books  here

This is a short item I filmed some years ago   for the BBC television programme The Culture Show

Autumn 2023: An online course on Radical Women, 1914 to 1978

Emmie 2

Women's Liberation march 1971

In the autumn I  will be teaching an online course using Zoom on Radical Women, 1914 to 1978.

I am a  freelance historian and have been researching and writing about  radical   women  for many years,  and have  been running online courses using Zoom since  March 2020.

My published work includes “Up Then  Brave  Women” : Manchester’s Radical Women  1819-1918 and “For the sake of the women who are to come after:” Manchester’s Radical women, 1914-1945

The course   will last 10 weeks and will be held in the evenings, starting on Monday 2nd  October 2022, and ending on Monday 11th December.  (There will not be a class on Monday 6th November.)   The course fee will be £60.

The format is that I speak about the evening’s topic,  and we then have a discussion among ourselves . Afterwards I will send out a handout and suggest some further  reading. Sometimes I suggest a video for course members to watch beforehand.

For more information or to reserve  a place, please email me, Michael Herbert : [email protected]

Course outline

The course will include the following

The First World War

  • Response of suffragist and suffragette organisations to  the declaration of war
  • Effect of war on women’s employment
  • Campaigns for the rights of women war workers
  • The Christmas letters between British and German women
  • The International Women’s Congress in the Hague in 1915
  • The No Conscription Fellowship
  • The Women’s Peace Crusade in 1916 and 1917
  • The end of war and the Treaty of the Versailles.

The 1920s

  • What happened to women workers after the end  of the war ?
  • Women in the National Unemployed Workers’ Movement
  • Campaigns for equality  and the Equal Rights Procession, July 1926
  • Women’s International League
  • Peacemakers’ Pilgrimage, 1926
  • the campaign to make birth control available
  • The General Strike

The 1930s

  • Women and mass unemployment
  • Women in the National Unemployed Workers’ Movement
  • Women  and the fight against the fascist Blackshirts
  • Women and the Spanish Civil War

Ruby Loftus

The Second World War

  • Evacuation, September 1939
  • Women war workers
  • Woman and  the ATS
  • Ellen Wilkinson’s war
  • The Women’s Parliaments 1941 and 1942

Ellen Wilkinson

Post-war 1945-51

  • Ellen Wilkinson’s peace
  • The Equal Pay Commission
  • Women and work after the war
  • The squatting movement 1946
  • Bessie Braddock and Barbara Castle

1950s housewives

The 1950s

  • Women and work
  • Leisure
  • Sex and Marriage
  • Equal pay
  • Peggy Duff and the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament
  • Claudia Jones
  • Ann Jellicoe and Shelagh Delaney

Shrew front cover October 1969

The 1960s and  1970s

  • Social and cultural change
  • The Permissive Society
  • The Underground
  • The women strikers at Ford and Equal Pay
  • Patricia Veal and the United Nurses’ Association
  • The Leeds Textile Workers strike, 1970
  • Women’s Liberation movement, 1969 to 1978

The first May Day marches in Manchester

On 1st  May 1892 Manchester workers marched for the first time in a mass labour demonstration for a shorter working week and  an independent  political voice. It was part of a worldwide movement  as unskilled workers organised in mass trades unions and Socialism developed a mass political following.

May Day was instituted  as an International Labour Day around the world  from  1890 onwards. The impetus came in part from a long –running campaign to reduce the working day to 8 hours. In September 1866 the International Working Men’s Association (otherwise known as the First International)   meeting in Geneva  passed a resolution adopting 8 hours as a goal. In October 1884 the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions of the United States and Canada,  passed a resolution calling for an 8 hour day from 1st  May 1886.

In May 1886 tens of thousands of workers  responded across the United States. The most militant city was Chicago where on 3rd  May  the police shot  dead  six  strikers at the McCormick Harvesting Machine Company. In response strikers organised  a massive   rally the  following day at Haymarket Square. The rally was peaceful,   but, as it ended,  someone threw a bomb into  police ranks. This was followed by a  savage battle in which  a number of  police died   as well as members of the crowd. There was a political show trial of a number of anarchists,  of whom four  were  convicted and  hanged.  They become known as the Haymarket Martyrs.

On 14th  July 1889 the Second International meeting in Paris called on  workers around the world  to march on 1 May 1890 for an   8 hour day.

The Congress decides to organize a great international demonstration, so that in all countries and in all cities on one appointed day the toiling masses shall demand of the state authorities the legal reduction of the working day to eight hours, as well as the carrying out of other decisions of the Paris Congress. Since a similar demonstration has already been decided upon for May 1, 1890, by the American Federation of Labor at its Convention in St. Louis, December, 1888, this day is accepted for the international demonstration. The workers of the various countries must organize this demonstration according to conditions prevailing in each country.”

It coincided with a new mood   amongst unskilled workers, hitherto ignored or excluded by the trades union movement  which had, with a few exceptions, organised skilled male workers only.   In July 1888, for instance,  women workers at the Bryant and May march factory in East London went on strike and won with the support of Socialists. The following year there was a massive dock strike  in London involving thousands of dock labourers   which brought the miles of docks to a halt. The result was victory for the workers leading to  higher pay, better working conditions  and a new union for unskilled workers,  The  Dock,  Wharf, Riverside and General  Labourers Union The strike was  led by  trade unionists and Socialists including  Tom Mann, John Burns, Ben Tillett and Will Thorne. For the first  time Socialist  ideas were getting a mass audience.  John Burns wrote of the importance of the dispute after it had been won

Still more important perhaps, is the fact that labour of the humbler kind has shown its capacity to organize itself; its solidarity; its ability. The labourer has learned that combination can lead him to anything and everything. He has tasted success as the immediate fruit of combination, and he knows that the harvest he has just reaped is not the utmost he can look to gain. Conquering himself, he has learned that he can conquer the world of capital whose generals have been the most ruthless of his oppressors.

The story of the strike is told by Louise Raw in her book Striking A Light.

On May Day 1890 there were strikes and  marches in many part of the United  States and Europe. Frederick Engels wrote:

As I write these lines, the proletariat of Europe and America is holding a review of its forces; it is mobilized for the first time as One army, under One Bag, and fighting One immediate aim: an eight-hour working day, established by legal enactment…. The spectacle we are now witnessing will make the capitalists and landowners of all lands realize that today the proletarians of all lands are, in very truth, united. If only Marx were with me to see it with his own eyes!

The London march to Hyde Park was huge, with perhaps 100,000 attending. Engels wrote an account  in  the newspaper Arbeiter Zeitung: 

 There can be no doubt about that: on May 4, 1890, the English working class joined the great international army. And that is an epoch-making fact. The English proletariat has its roots in the most advanced industrial development and, moreover, possesses the greatest freedom of political movement. Its long slumber — a result, on the one hand, of the failure of the Chartist movement of 1836-50 and, on the other, of the colossal industrial upswing of 1848-80 — is finally broken. The grandchildren of the old Chartists are stepping into the line of battle.

The success in London was repeated in 1891;  Manchester followed  with its own march in 1892.

On 16th April 1892 the Manchester socialist newspaper  the Clarion reported that a “a great labour demonstration” was being planned for 1st  May. Trade union and labour societies were requested to communicate with  Mr James  Quinn at the County Forum, 50a Market Street. (The County Forum was a debating society).  The organising meetings were to be held every Thursday.

unknown artist; Robert Blatchford (1851-1943)

 Robert Blatchford (1851-1943)  (collection of the Working Class Movement Library)

On the day before the march  the Clarion‘s  editor and founder, Robert Blatchford,  wrote a millenarian editorial:

WE HAVE GOT A LABOUR DAY.

Let the heavy-shod Radical, the iron-clamped Conservative, the chaff-chopping Economist, and the sword-dancing Pressman rill their lungs with wind, and puff up their imaginations with vanity. Let them sniff and snore, and fold their hands in idle self-complacency, for it is their nature so to do. They cannot see  facts!

And this Labour Day is a fact. Ah  my masters, it is a great fact. It is a bodeful, pregnant fact, out of which shall spring things as yet undreamed of. Selah!  Let the clarion sound. Behold, Great Demos is awakened  and his ponderous and terrine stature shall ere long be seen. 

Do you think it is a little thing. this Labour Day? Do you suppose it to be no more than the gathering of a few thousand enthusiastic men anxious for bigger wages ? Do you imagine that half-a-dozen  speeches and a volume of cheers exhaust the significance?

Ah ! Be not deceived. It is much  more than that. As yet perceived but faintly even by those it gathers together, its significance is tremendous. Twelve bands, ten thousand trades-unionists,  Mr. Cunningham  Graham, six platforms, hip, hip hurray, and Alexandra Park left vacant for another year.

But from Manchester, from Salford, from Ashton. Oldham, Bury, Stockport, and all the busy towns of this busy district, there will come crowds of men. There will be Trades-unionists, Liberals, Conservatives, Fabians, Social Democrats, men of the Labour Church, Englishmen and foreigners, a vast representative gathering of Lancashire workers!

With them will be delegates from London, from Durham, from a score of other big towns ; and they will meet together in the park, and then you will see something happen. Though not a speech were uttered, not a trumpet Moan, not a banner unfurled, you should stand in the presence of two great and potent facts.

You have the fact that Labour  has claimed its day. Yon have the fact that all those men have met. You will never again wring that day from Labour’s hands nor unhook the grapples of the spirits of the people. As quicksilver rushes together, so will that multitude coalesce. Once they have seen each other, it is enough, once they have heard the sound of their own united voices.

Do yon think the lesson will be lost upon them? They will thrill with one emotion for the first time . They will hear the mighty roar of the voice of the people. They will realise what fraternity means, they will realise what union means, and how a hundred thousand men willing one thing are like a hundred thousand men shouting with one voice.

Know it or not, it is true. It is the first stroke of the hour. It is the first note of the war song. It is the first step of march of the army of Labour; an army vast and solid, and confident and irresistible.  It is LABOUR DAY. 

The people will meet, that is the main thing. We shall see each other  face to face,  feel each other should to shoulder, hear each other voice to voice, trust each other soul to soul and we shall go away open-eyed and conscious of a change. we shall have felt our strength, imagined our numbers, seen as a  vision of the world the golden dawn streak of the day of our deliverance, and our triumph.

Manhood suffrage and payment of members! What are these? They are as candles to the sun in comparison with the new LABOUR DAY. …

Our labour day will  bind us as  corn in the sheaf. The sturdy miner, the skilful engineer, the broad-handed navvy, the white-fingered artist, the lusty farmer, the fragile seamstress, the outcasts of the streets, the despised denizens of the slums, the sweater’s slave,  the hearty sailor. Strong and weak, feeble and brave, old and young,  simple and wise, the workers shall band themselves  together in fraternity and freedom. They shall march on from this Labour Day growing ever wiser, nobler and juster until there is honour for those who make more than those who mar, reward for those who labour better than for those who loaf, until snobbery and prejudice, and theft and butchery are banished into the Hell they came from; until Labour  shall hold that which it wins, and England shall be the freehold and the home and inheritance of the English.

This, now, is my Labour Day prophecy. Mark it well. And on the day of its fulfilment we will set the bells s-reeling till we split the steeple, and the cannon shall roar forth salutes to something holier than murder, and the crown shall no more be placed upon the brows of them that make a trade of slaughter, nor shall the robber be repaid with heaped-up masses of gold for his iniquity. Meanwhile, as  a foretaste, as an earnest, as a premonition, yon shall hear us shout aloud on Sunday, for it is OUR LABOUR DAY.

The procession  was to assemble  in Stevenson Square at 2.30pm and  march  to Alexandra Park by way of Oldham Street, Piccadilly,  Portland Street, Oxford Street, Stretford Road, Great Jackson Street, Preston Street , Moss Lane and Alexandra  Road. The order of procession was advertised as follows

The Manchester Fabian Societies

Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants

Tailors

Bakers and Confectioners

The Labour Church

Shirt and Jacket Makers

Salford Social Democrats

North East Manchester Labour Electoral

Spindle and Flyer Makers

Horsehair and Fibre Workers

Dressers, Dyers and Finishers

Enginemen and Cranemen

Navvies and Bricklayers

North Manchester Labour Electoral

According to the report in the  Manchester Guardian   a white ensign headed the procession with the slogan “Work for all, Overwork for None”. Other banners stated “Unity is Strength” and “Equality by Right, Justice to All”.  Members of  the Labour Church carried a banner stating “God Is Our King” while  the Social Democratic Federation contingent   carried red flags and a red cap on a pole (the symbol of the French Revolution).

Due to the numbers the procession moved off  before the appointed  time and  was enlivened by at least a dozen bands. The Manchester Guardian noted that watching crowds, especially women, cheered the mottos  in favour of the  8 hour day. In Hulme the march was greeted by large crowd and “something like the fervour of enthusiasm”. The march reached the park at about 4pm with at least 60,000 people  now present.

At the park there were   six platforms with a mix of trade union and Socialist speakers  who advocated the following political programme;

  1. Formation of an Independent Labour Party
  2. Payment of MPs
  3. Shorter Parliaments
  4. Adult suffrage
  5. Nationalisation of the land.

On one of the platforms Robert Blatchford   moved the following resolution.

That this meeting recognises that the establishment of a working day of not more than 8 hours is the most immediate step towards the ultimate emancipation of the workers and urges upon the Government the necessity of fixing a working day by legislative enactment.

One of the platform was reserved for Jewish speakers who spoke in Yiddish, including Mr Wess from London. This platform was chaired by Mr R Abrahams who said that he hoped that next year Jews would be more numerous.  There do not seem to have  been any women speakers and women’s suffrage was not included as an aim.

In 1893 Manchester  Council tried to stop the march taking place, turning down an application from 35 trades unions  to use Alexandra Park. According to a report in The Clarion the Corporation Parks Committee  had deemed  it “inadvisable that Sunday demonstrations should be held in the public parks and considers that unless desired by a considerable section of the Manchester citizens they should not be permitted. This meeting believes the present application is not of such a nature to warrant such permission and therefore declines to grant. ”

Leonard Hall, chair of the Demonstration Committee,  wrote to The Clarion to state that it was a labour demonstration open to all  and not an Independent Labour Party or Socialist demonstration. After more public protests  permission to use the park was eventually granted.

Manchester was alive with Socialist organisations and activity. In the week before the 1893  march  The Clarion carried notices  for meetings of the Independent Labour Party in various parts of Manchester and Salford as well as  a “gigantic” excursion to Morecambe on Whit Friday, the Social  Democratic Federation, Hyde Labour Club, Ashton ILP, Oldham Independent  Labour club,  North Manchester Fabians and Manchester Anarchist Group who held public meetings every Sunday in Stevenson Square. Joe Waddington (known as “Clarion” Joe)  sold The Clarion, Labour Prophet, Labour Leader, Workman Times, Shafts, A Paper for Women and “Socialistic” literature from his shop  at 4a Crown Street, Chester Road.   The Manchester Labour Press was based at 59 Tib Street.

The march took place on 6th  May leaving from Stevenson Square at 2.30pm.The Clarion reported that it had been attended  by 20,000. In his editorial Blatchford attacked the “city fathers”  who had tried to stop them using the park  and the Chief Constable who had deployed very large numbers of police who were threatening to the crowd, pushing people off pavements.

In 1894 the authorities refused to allow the use of Alexandra Park and instead the march went to Phillips Park.  The tradition of  May Day marches continued for a century until it ceased in the wake of trade union decline and defeat.

In 1895 the Clarion published a art work by Walter Crane in its front page   to mark May Day, perhaps his most famous and influential work for the socialist and labour movement.

744px-Walter_Crane_-_A_Garland_for_May_Day_1895,_original_relief_print

Autumn 2022: An online course on Radical Women, 1914 to 1978

Emmie 2

In the autumn I  will be teaching an online course using Zoom on Radical Women, 1914 to 1980. I am a  freelance historian and have been researching and writing about  radical   women  for many years and have  been running online courses using Zoom since  March 2020.

My published work includes “Up Then  Brave  Women” : Manchester’s Radical Women  1819-1918 and “For the sake of the women who are to come after:” Manchester’s Radical women, 1914-1945

The course   will last 10 weeks and will be held in the evenings, starting on Monday 3rd October 2022. The course fee will be £60.

The format is that I speak about the evening’s topic and we then have a discussion. Afterwards I will send out a handout and suggest some further  reading. Sometimes I suggest a video for course members to watch beforehand.

For more information or to reserve  a place, please email me, Michael Herbert : [email protected]

Course outline

The course will include the following

The First World War

  • Response of suffragist and suffragette organisations to  the declaration of war
  • Effect of war on women’s employment
  • Campaigns for the rights of women war workers
  • The Christmas letters between British and German women
  • The International Women’s Congress in the Hague in 1915
  • The No Conscription Fellowship
  • The Women’s Peace Crusade in 1916 and 1917
  • The end of war and the Treaty of the Versailles.

The 1920s

  • What happened to women workers after the end  of the war ?
  • Women in the National Unemployed Workers’ Movement
  • Campaigns for equality  and the Equal Rights Procession, July 1926
  • Women’s International League
  • Peacemakers’ Pilgrimage, 1926
  • the campaign to make birth control available
  • The General Strike

1930s

  • Women and mass unemployment
  • Women in the National Unemployed Workers’ Movement
  • Women  and the fight against the fascist Blackshirts
  • Women and the Spanish Civil War

Ruby Loftus

The Second World War

  • Evacuation, September 1939
  • Women war workers
  • Woman and  the ATS
  • Ellen Wilkinson’s war
  • The Women’s Parliaments 1941 and 1942

Post-war 1945-51

  • Ellen Wilkinson’s peace
  • The Equal Pay Commission
  • Women and work after the war
  • The squatting movement 1946
  • Bessie Braddock and Barbara Castle

The 1950s

  • Women and work
  • Leisure
  • Sex and Marriage
  • Equal pay
  • Peggy Duff and the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament
  • Claudia Jones
  • Ann Jellicoe and Shelagh Delaney

Shrew front cover October 1969

The 1960s and  1970s

  • Social and cultural change
  • The Permissive Society
  • The Underground
  • The women strikers at Ford and Equal Pay
  • Patricia Veal and the United Nurses’ Association
  • The Leeds Textile Workers strike, 1970
  • Women’s Liberation movement, 1969 to 1978

Online History course: Radical Manchester in the C19th

 

Sarah_Parker_Remond

Sarah Parker Remond

I will be teaching 10 week course this autumn, starting on the evening of Tuesday 28th September, conducted via Zoom.

 This course  will be an introduction to the  radical political ideas and movements in Manchester in the C19th.   Manchester and the surrounding  district  was at the centre of the upheavals of the Industrial Revolution which  gave birth to a number  of  important radical  working class social and political  movements.

The course  will include the following:

1. The Radicals of the 1790s.  Inspired by the  radical political ideas outlined by  Thomas Paine in  his hugely popular book  The Rights of  Man  groups of radicals  emerged in 1792 calling for  reform of the Constitution, including universal suffrage. They came under sustained  legal attack  by the government.

2. The Luddites. In 1812 groups of workers in Nottinghamshire, Yorkshire and Lancashire attacked the machinery they saw as taking away  their work. There were also outbreaks of food rioting. The government  responded by sending thousands of troops  into the North. In the trials that  followed many were imprisoned, while some Luddites and rioters  were  hanged.

3. Peterloo. On 16th August 1819 armed cavalry and soldiers attacked a peaceful  meeting in Manchester held to call for the reform of Parliament, resulting in at least 18 deaths  and hundreds of  injuries.

4. Richard Carlile and the Manchester Republicans of the 1820s. Inspired by  ideas in Carlile’s publication The Republican (which he  edited from prison), groups met in Manchester to support Carlile,  discuss radical   politics and hold dinners to celebrate Thomas Paine’s birthday.

5. Owenite Socialism. From the late 1820s groups of working women and  men set up Co-operative Societies.  inspired by the ideas of Robert Owen. They began to call themselves “Socialists.”

6. The Anti-Poor Law Agitation/ Factory Reform/1832 Reform Act. In the 1830s there were campaigns  against the punitive Poor Law amendment of 1834 which set up Workhouses; for a limit on the excessive  working hours in factories;  and for the reform of Parliament.

7. Chartism. Chartism was a mass movement,  at its height between 1838 and 1848,  which called for the implementation of the People’s Charter whose proposals included universal suffrage, secret ballots and payment of MPs.  The movement  organised three mass petitions to Parliament which were rejected. Instead the government responded  with mass arrests and prison for many of the leaders.

8.  Karl Marx and Frederick Engels in Manchester.  Frederick Engels worked in the family firm  – Ermen and Engels – in Manchester for 20 years, sending money to support Karl Marx and his family in London whilst Marx worked on Capital.  Marx visited Engels in Manchester  on a number of occasions.

9. Black radicals in Manchester. We will look at the visits  of black Americans  camapigning against slavery such as as Henry Brown,  Frederick Douglas,  Charles Lennox Remond  and Sarah Parker Remond.

10. The Irish in Manchester. There was substantial migration from Ireland which led to the establishment of  an Irish community in the New Cross and St Michael’s area.  The Irish took part in  trade unionism  and Chartism,   as well as organising movements  for the independence of Ireland such as Fenianism.

The course consist of a weekly lecture by myself  followed by a discussion amongst  course members. I  will be providing handouts and suggestions  for further reading  and  a guide to  online resources.

The cost of the course will be £60 payable  in advance. It will take place  in the evening starting in the autumn.  To book a place or for more information, please email me : [email protected]

About me

I have been researching and writing about  radical history of Manchester for many years and have an MA in History of Manchester. My published work includes:

Never Counted Out! the Story of Len Johnson, Manchester’s Black Boxing Hero and Communist (1992)

”The Wearing of the Green, ” a political history of the Irish in Manchester (2000)

Up Then Brave Women : Manchester’s Radical  Women 1819-1918 (2012)

For the sake of the women who are to come after”:  Manchester’s Radical Women 1915 to 1945 (2019)

In 2020 I took part in this BBC Sport item on Len Johnson (filmed in my back garden !)

Michael Herbert

 

The English Civil War of 1968: my review of “The Day The Queen Flew to Scotland for the Grouse Shooting”by Arthur Wise (1968)

The Clash“When Johnny comes
Marching home again
He’s coming by bus or underground
A woman’s eye will shed a tear
To see his face so beaten in fear
An’ it was just around the corner in the English civil war
It was still at the stage of clubs and fists
When that well-known face got beaten to bits
Your face was blue in the light of the screen
As we watched the speech of an animal scream
The new party army was marching right over our heads
 
There you are, ha ha, I told you so
Says everybody that we know
But who hid a radio under the stairs
An’ who got caught out on their unawares?
When that new party army came marching…”
 
“The English Civil War”, The Clash (1979)
 
For  a traumatic event which  led  to  tens of thousands of deaths   and  the destruction of much  of the North of England, and whose aftermath – political, social,  constitutional –  continues to be felt right up to the present day,  the English Civil War of 1968 has left virtually no trace  in popular memory. The song by the punk rock band The Clash quoted above is one of the few references that can be found – and that  was written  over  forty years ago. (A live  performance can be seen here)
 
 It is as though  the people of both  parts  of the divided country –  the victorious South  and  the defeated North – took a   decision to forget, a collective amnesia aided and abetted  by the curious lack  of histories of the conflict. The leaders  of the North are either dead or  have disappeared,   while the politicians and generals  of the South  have barely referred to the Civil War, if at all,  in their memoirs.  No official history was ever issued as it was not considered an official  war in the sense of the First or Second World  World Wars.
 
Arthur Wise The Day the QueenIn this context Arthur Wise’s  The Day The Queen Flew to Scotland for the Grouse Shooting (the meaning of the title will become apparent later), is unique, written as it was just months after the end of the war (indeed, at  the time of  its publication  in Ireland,  Wise was in Cell 4,  Debtors’ Prison,  York).
 
The book  was banned for a  number of years  in England under the Sedition Act, one of a series of very  repressive measures passed by the Southern government  in 1969 known as “The Ten Acts” .  Never reprinted, it remains  very hard to get hold of (second hand copies reputedly change hands at high prices)   but it is well worth seeking out for its  unique account, including a number of  episodes for which this is the only source.
 
Although the author called it “a document,” he  adopted  the form of a novel, explaining in  his introduction  :
 
This document is an attempt to piece together the disastrous events of the past year, from existing reports and from personal interviews. Where it has seemed to me the most effective way of giving the reader a clear undertanding of the situation, I have simply set down the bald facts. In other places, where I have had supporting evidence  from interviews, I have attempted to reconstruct actual conversations and  events in such a way as to convey the total feeling of them…
 
In one or two places I have to suppress some of the facts, simply to make my own position,  and that of my friends  in the North, still tenable during the present  period of occupation. This suppression in no way affects the general accuracy of the report.
 
Leeds Town Hall 1960sWise sets the scene at the outset, trying to convey to the reader the  perceptible change in atmosphere  at the beginning of 1968 that a native returning to a Northern town in Lancashire or Yorkshire  after a period of absence might have sensed:
 
It was there in the faces of people in the bus queue. If he could put it  into words, what would he say?  He might tell  you there was certain assurance about the place. Arrogance, he might call it. Here is a town, he might tell you, that seems at last to have grasped an indentity, that has come to terms with what it is, that sees itself as a unique identity with life different from that of any other  place on earth. A town  rising up out of the filth and rubble and exploitation of the nineteenth century and opening its eyes for the first time. Self-conscious and aware. Critical and dissatisfied. Bitter, perhaps. Certainly determined to find a place for itself in the sunlight, and in the eyes of God…for there was revolution in the air.
 
The revolution began, as they often do, with a relatively  trivial event,  the turning down by the Westminster government  in May 1968 of an application  to rebuild  theatres in York  and Manchester,  while at the same  time greenlighting  a similar  application from High Wycombe.
 
The issue was  taken by up the Northern Development  Council, a  committee set up by  the Westmintser government to advise on planning, a typical 1960s toothless body with no powers.  But it began to acquire power, as Wise outlines:
 
It had been brought into being as a means of containing the unrest in the North. Instead, it became a rallying point for the area, canalising feelings and aspirations  that had previously been mere subterraneans rumblings. As it grew in power and authority, it clamoured for autonomy and power…It could,  conceivably, have been declared an illegal organisation, but no government  dare have taken such a step  as long as it was so effectively identified with the Northern spirit.
 
The five members of the Central Committee were Sir Felix Brunton, the driving force behind  the Steller Orchestra in Leeds; Colonel Douglas Fitzwallace, a retired army colonel;  Albert Rubinstein, chair of Granada television in Manchester; Sidney Olsen, a pop impresario;  and Sir Brian Wordsworth, a landowner with extensive interests in textiles.

 

Chelsea v Millwall - League Division Two - Stamford Bridge

Later that month the Cup Final at Wembley between Newcastle United and Chelsea  erupted into mass violence  between opposing supporters from North and South,   resulting in  dozens of deaths and injuries
 
The Cabinet met on 13th May to discuss what had happened and  decided to send  a civil servant , Robert Paine,  to speak to the NDC’s Central Council. 
 
He met them   in Darlington on 19th May. At the meeting the NDC decided to support the theatre project from its own  funds,  but  then Wordsworth  told Paine;   “For two hundred years we have been a depressed race. We still live in conditions that are a scandal in any  country claiming to be civilised- conditions in which no southerner would keep their dog. We’ve produced the wealth of this country and it’s been stolen from us. But we’re going no further with you. This is where slavery ends.”
 
The NDC presented an ultimatum to Paine that is worth quoting in full:
 
1. That the six Northern counties of Cumberland, Westmorland, Lancashire, Northumberland, Durham and Yorkshire, shall be designated in future as “the North”.
 
2. That the City of York, as the ancient  capital of the North, shall be given the status of the second city of England.
 
3. That  the Northern Development  Council be redesignated The Council of the North.
 
4. That the Central Committee of the Northern Development  Council..shall become the executive body of the Council of the North.
 
5. That the Council of the North shall have the authority to design and implement  its own consitution, without reference to Westminster.

 

 
6. That, under the final authority of Westmintser on matters of foreign policy, The Council of the North shall have power to govern in the North.
 
The NDC made it clear that if  these  demands were not accepted, they would break off all contact  with London.
 
The demands were, of course,  completely  unacceptable to the Westminster  government  (whose  Prime Minister was a pipe-smoking  Northerner as it happens, not that it made any difference). But rather than negotiate some degree of increased autonomy for the North he  took the fatal  step of ordered the NDC to be arrested and taken to the Tower of London. But nothing happened, the order was ignored by the police in the North, a sign of how rapidly the situation was developing.
 
Student march

Northern students marching

 

On 26th May the Council of the North issued a Declaration of  Separatneess,  repeatedly broadcast on the  Northern independent  television networks and the Pirate Radio ship Radio 38,  while a song commissioned by Olsen from   the pop group The Harlequins, “Free to Live, ” became the Northern independence anthem.  (This  song remains bannned by the way and the fate of the group is unknown).  Young people took to the streets of the North  in same way that  their counterparts were doing in Northern Ireland, France, Germany, Mexico, the USA etc…

In Manchester, Leeds, Bradford and Hull, university students, students from the Colleges of Education, the Schools of Arts, the Colleges of Technology, and in some  cases the schools marched through the towns with banners shouting their support and breaking into the chorus of the new song “Free To Live”.  In the University of York, with its large numbers of students  from the South, there was some limited violence. A counter-march by Southern students down Tower Street and Clifford Street, was broken  up in Nessgate by students from the  Technical College and from  St John’s College of Education.
 
The Southern government (as we must now call it for a time)  responded by declaring a State of Emegency on 27th May  and  the following  morning dispatched   an armed  detachment of Household Cavalry (all Southerners, of course) northwards to arrest the Council of the North and convey them  to the Tower. It seems  London  believed  that  the secessionist movement could be snuffed out with one bold move. How ill-informed they were!

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Online history course : Radical Women: 1914-1980

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I will be teaching 10 week  online course on Radical  Women: 1914-1980 using Zoom, starting on 8th February 2021. It take place on Monday evenings at 7pm. The fee will be  £60 payable in advance.

For more information and/or  to book  a place  on the course please email me (Michael Herbert):  [email protected]

The course will include the following:

The First World War

We will look at how the war affected women in terms of work and home and also at the activities of women appalled by the carnage of the  war who wanted to make sure  that it never happened again. They held a Congress in 1915 in Holland which established  the  Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom.

 

1920s

We look the post war-war world: work and unemployment; the activities of women’s  organisations  now that women  had the vote eg NUSEC, Six Point Group, Open door Council. We also  at the Women Delegation to Ireland   and  the role of women during and after  General Strike in  may 1926.

 

1930s

Britain  was plunged into an economic slump after 1929, creating mass unemployment. We look at the role of women in the National Unemployed Workers’ Movement; womenwho fought  Mosley’s fascist Blackshirts; and the experiences of women who went to Spain during the Spanish Civil War.

 

The Second World War

We examine  at the profound impact of the war on women’s   lives  in terms of home and work and how they discussed the war and the future in the Women’s Parliaments.   We also  look at the work of  Labour MP Ellen Wilkinson during the war.

 

Post war 1945-1951

We look at the career of Ellen Wilkinson as Minster of Education in the Labour government; the housing crisis which led to a squatting movement; and the Royal Commission on Equal Pay.

 

 1950s

We look at the role of women  in the developing consumer society; Equal pay;  Mary Stott and the Guardian’s women’s  page; Peggy Duff  and the Camapign for Nuclear Disarmament ;  and the career of  writer Shelagh Delaney.

1960s

The Pill, mini-skirts, the Permissive Society;  but just  how much did things really change for women in the 1960s?

 

Women’s  Liberation Movement

We look at the emergence of  the Women’s Liberation Movement,   firstly in the USA,  and then in Britain,   including the Ruskin Conference in 1970s and the first WLM march in March 1971.

 

A bit about me…

I have been researching  writing and teaching the history of radical  women for many years ; my pulished work includes Up Then Brave Women”; Manchester’s Radical Women 1819-1918 (2012)  and “For the sake of the women who are to come after: Manchester’s Radical Women 1914-1945 (2019)

This is a short item I filmed some years  for the BBC televison programme The Culture Show

More information on my work  here;

Some comments  from previous course members

I attended this course on 19th Radical women and found it both informative and enjoyable. An excellent course for anyone wanting more information on womens/social history at this time. Jane

Michael’s online course on the history of working class women in the 20th century was one of my early lockdown highlights. The sessions themselves were fun and fascinating with plenty of time for discussion and responses. In between sessions Michael sent out lots of supplementary resources so that we could read, watch and listen in advance, and follow up on the women and events which most interested us. I loved learning about women I’d vaguely heard of and others who were completely new to me – it’s largely a forgotten history which I’m so pleased I now know a bit about. Shereen

I found the course very interesting and enjoyable. It sheds light on the role played by radical women in the 19th century, with particular focus on the North of England, and the challenges they faced. The sessions provided a wealth of information and back-up documents which served as pointers for further research, and identified wider patterns. There was also time for discussion.

 

 

 

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