Tags
affect, Tomba, Berlant, philosophy, history, writing, revolution, Inconvenience, politics, books

Last weekend I joined a group of delightful young scholars to discuss Massimiliano Tomba’s recent book, Revolution and Restoration: The Politics of Anachronism. I have followed Tomba’s work for years. This new book builds on his analyses in Marx’s Temporalities (Brill, 2012) and Insurgent Universality: An Alternative Legacy of Modernity (Oxford, 2019) by tackling another temporal dimension of social change, that of reaching into the deep past for alternate conceptualizations of property relations (ch. 2), democratic political relations (ch. 3), and sanctuary relations against the State (ch. 4). The text is short and Tomba’s argument is more like a topography of political problematizations than the thick argumentation found in his previous two monographs. I would apply to his entire book what he notes in regard to movements to eradicate or hamstring the hegemony of private property, namely, that his argument offers “not ready-made solutions but rather experiments to learn from and build on with other experiments” (72).
I remain intrigued by Tomba’s focus on conceptualization as social forms that are temporally complex, and on his claim that practice is “theory in action.” Putting conceptualization together with practice as enacted theory, Tomba writes on page viii that his book is
…about extracting normativity from practices understood as theory in action. It involves a kind of exemplary or epistemic normativity that emerges in social and political practices. These constitute the living archive of an alternative path to the exhausted one of today’s political and critical theory. (p. viii)
He notes that because of the temporally complexity of concepts, and because the possible strata of theory in concepts are enacted as different practices at different moments, concepts cannot not be polemical (15). Rather, “concepts themselves become heralds of historical trends. It’s no exaggeration to say that this conceptualization, as it operates behind the back of the historian and theorist, is a form of unconscious ideology” (11, my emphasis to which I will return later). He is careful to note that his understanding of temporally complex concepts means we should grasp them, “not as RR cars running along the rails of time but rather as forms traversed by time,” meaning that “concepts contain historical-temporal sedimentations that can be reordered in particular historical moments marked by social and political tensions” (16)
Further, Tomba realizes that for concepts and practice to function this way, they “can only arise out of the energy that flows from real tensions between incompatible systems” (21) That is, the reach for what are dismissed as anachronistic concepts like communal property or the imperative mandate are not consciously-built strategies but must be seen, themselves, as kinds of temporal insurgencies, moments when the historical pasts that are embedded in a concept break into the present and find new salience in practices that materially enact their theoretical alternative. This para-conscious work of anachrony is why Tomba repeatedly cautions that “new concepts are not neologisms” (21).
Tomba’s refusal of conscious conceptual directives (equally a refusal of Party-like politics and of Conservative movements that sacralize the never-existed form of a never-existing past) clarifies how leveraging conceptual anachrony avoids conservatism and dogmatism. To tease out the Biblical injunctions to Jubilee, for example, as Thomas Münzer did, is not to express a desire to return to the oppressive social relations of fifteenth-century Europe, nor is it to claim to know the true truth of Christian scripture. Rather, for Tomba, such a practice destabilizes and fragilizes so-called common sense around private property by leveraging scriptural authority against the socio-political authority of the Roman Catholic church (for other examples see the discussion around p. 36). Tomba is concerned to illuminate historical struggles that forwarded dying, oppressed, or repressed relations of reciprocity and mutual obligation, over against the tyrannical sovereignty of the individual and of private property, both of which reflect and ballast the tyrannical sovereignty of the State. Tomba points to “the duty to take care of what is common” as a critique of extractive capitalism and as the driving force of contemporary movements of insurgency against economic and other forms of colonization.
This ‘duty to take care’ must operate as something like a lived or inherited obligation, though, since Tomba’s revolutionary restoration of ancient concepts works, as I’ve noted, behind the backs of practitioners. This phrase is well-known from Hegel and Marx; it ably acknowledges the limited and embodied character of all life while also asserting that each life is caught up in dynamics (Zeitgeist, capitalism) that they cannot fully grasp, even though those same dynamics rely on each life’s active participation. The phrase and the theories embedded in it square the analytical circle that seeks to analyze persons one-by-one and also seeks to map out a social-global structure that is larger than any one person. One’s back becomes the point of intersection.
This line of thought takes me to a very odd moment in Tomba’s chapter on sanctuary where something like conscious choice intrudes onto our nicely squared circle. Tomba is discussing the inevitable emergence of persons who fundamentally disagree with the State and work against it directly. Sounding a bit like Judith Butler’s work on the non-decision of sharing space, Tomba notes that we cannot choose our neighbors or, really, even the state under which we live. But then he pivots:
Disagreement and conflict are always possible–we only need to learn how to handle them in a mature way. This is perhaps the most important task of sanctuaries as practice: the coincidence between changes in external circumstances and human activity as self-education for self-transformation. (p. 110)
The paragraph continues, but Tomba does not really unpack what this “maturity” and “self-education” entail, nor what happens to the shared project of social transformation when certain persons (always there are some) excuse themselves grumbly or cynically from, uh, self “education.” When movements lose members–for whatever reasons–the intensity of affect and practice suffer. Reading this part of Tomba made me aware of how much more theorization is needed around the singular poles of structural politics.
All of which brings me to Lauren Berlant’s posthumously published book, On the Inconvenience of Other People (Duke, 2022). Inconvenience, Berlant writes, is “the affective sense of the familiar friction of being in relation” (2). Crucially, this friction may have nothing to do with intellectual resonance or conceptual persuasion. Consider the smart young person I know who recently moved to a new city and looked up the local DSA in hopes of finding folks who share their political savvy, despair, and sense of urgency. After attending a couple of meetings, they told me they’d stopped going. Why? I asked. People say the stupidest things, they replied. By intellectual and habitual practices, this person and the DSA are an obvious pairing. But the young person left, and that DSA chapter is much the weaker for it.
What I take away from this scenario is that even though members of the academy have spent the better part of two generations flaying Reason and demonstrating the logical and practical impossibilities of Individuality, politics on the left still appeals mostly to Reason and to the task of persuading Individuals. Berlant comments on this by noting that interpersonal “adjustment” has nothing to do with reason or persuasion:
Adjustment is a constant action: the grinding of the wheels of awkwardness and the bargaining with life’s infrastructures. This is why the dominant tone of ambivalence tends to be negative. It take work to live on the arch from minor irritation to threat–and too often people try to resolve the difficulty of being inconvenienced by the world by becoming depleted, cynical, or dramatic fronts of blame. (9)
Indeed. So many persons who might agree intellectually that the world needs to change simply cannot join the protest or make the phone calls or cajole themselves into believing in a cause. This, too, is part of our “situation”. This too needs to be conceptualized and practiced as theory in action, as much as the anachronistic concepts that are slingshotted into our present.
“Capitalism fracks the sensorium,” Berlant writes (26). And unlike Tomba’s casual call for “mature” handling of conflict, Berlant fills in their claim:
“There can be no change w/o revisceralization….The transition [to another social arrangement] requires reconditioning what pass as instincts, triggers, gut feelings, true feelings, presumptive ties, the whole default world of emotional and affective expectation. In the affective common, that reconditioning is often what gets in the way of staying with who you’re with while also nursing many small and large scars. (106)
The whole default world. That’s it. Berlant tags this process as an “unlearning,” and this need for unlearning is as revolutionary as anything Tomba considers. My wish would be for Tomba to read Berlant, and for those who follow in the wake of Berlant to read Tomba. Such intellectual and practical cross-fertilization might materialize “the sensuality of learning in the middle of the dehiscence of unlearning” (Berlant, 107).







