Will No One Rid Us of this Counterfeit Theory?

The theory of stochastic terrorism classifies some public rhetoric as terrorism if it has the potential to incite political violence regardless of intent, specificity or even subsequent violence. While it did not originate on the left it was taken up and developed by leftwing theorists after the rise of Donald Trump. The term gained popularity with leftwing media during the Biden Administration but seems to have receded in the last few years. Nonetheless advocates are still developing the theory as a means of superseding the First Amendment and effecting censorship on the European model. In this they face a classic squaring-the-circle dilemma: how to define offending speech as broadly as possible while keeping the application of that definition limited to rightwing and populist expression.

The descriptor “stochastic”, derived from the ancient Greek stókhos, for aim or guess at and defined by the Oxford Dictionary as having a random probability distribution or pattern that may be analyzed statistically but may not be predicted precisely, was first used by Jakob Bernoulli in his treatise on mathematical probability, Ars Conjectandi, published posthumously in 1713. The study of “stochastic processes” (or “random processes”) would over time serve a wide range of disciplines concerned with probability such as game theory, physics, finance and medicine.

The concept “stochastic terrorism” was introduced as a means for predictive analysis of Islamic terrorism in a 2003 paper by Dr Gordon Woo, a “catastrophist” working on terrorism risk analysis in the insurance industry following the 9/11 attacks. In 2002 Congress passed the Terrorism Risk Insurance Act mandating insurance companies offer terrorism coverage to commercial policyholders while backstopping with federal funds their potential losses. All this was happening with the expectation that such large-scale attacks as 9/11 (and such as the eventual 4.55 billion dollar payout to Twin Towers leaseholder Larry Silverstein) would become common. Woo’s analysis centered on Islamic terrorism specifically, citing neoconservative authors and Bush Administration officials, and appeared to accept for the most part their analyses and doctrine of preemption. Woo did not expound very much on the idea in his paper, and the term would lay fallow until an anonymous leftwinger reintroduced and repurposed it in 2011.

After 9/11 an expected era of Islamic terrorism featuring more of such spectacular attacks on the American homeland failed to materialize. This and the humiliating failures of Iraq and Afghanistan caused the neoconservative project to collapse, dragging down centrist conservatism with it and contributing to the populist ascendancy of Trump in 2015. Ruling elite propaganda responded to this new (and more genuine, for them) threat, tilting away from Muslim fundamentalism toward rightwing populism. Incipient stochastic terrorism theory, like water finding its level, shifted to the left.

(The appeal of the phrase may have been aided by the violent structure of “stochastic”, separating two hard consonant combinations [st] with a plosive [ch pronounced k] and ending with a hard k sound; “stochastic” doesn’t just carry the usual scholarly facade and feigned-novelty of an obscure phrase, it sounds kinetic and violent.)

Needless to say President Trump’s combative and careless style came as if tailor-made for proponents of the theory. For his detractors Trump’s invective, laying waste to long held unofficial but effective speech barriers, would be its own solution. To a large extent Trump is indirectly responsible for the advancement of stochastic terrorism theory as a ploy to, in one author’s words, “modernize the First Amendment”, by replacing it with international conventions.

Dr Woo’s concept, barely more than a phrase but full of unanticipated potential, remained obscure until an anonymous contributor to the Daily Kos blog, like the pre-human raking through a pile of bones in 2001 A Space Odyssey, discovered the concept in 2011 and, realizing its utility as a weapon, ecstatically hurled the newfound bludgeon skyward, equating the screeds of a now quaint-sounding list of Fox News bettes noires to the fatwas of Osama Bin Laden:

This is what occurs when Bin Laden releases a video that stirs random extremists halfway around the globe to commit a bombing or shooting.

Stochastic terrorism is the use of mass communications to stir up random lone wolves to carry out violent or terrorist acts that are statistically predictable but individually unpredictable.

This is also the term for what Beck, O’Reilly, Hannity, and others do.  And this is what led directly and predictably to a number of cases of ideologically-motivated murder similar to the Tucson shootings.

The “Tucson shootings” event referred to was the 2011 assassination attempt and serious wounding of Congresswoman Gabby Giffords and murder of nine participants in a political rally, by a diagnosed paranoid schizophrenic named Jared Loughner who had become obsessed with the representative. Loughner had published rants on MySpace that included anti-government sentiment and his conviction the government was guilty of “brainwashing” the masses (a notion now more taken for granted than taken for mental illness). This and his status as a dreaded “white male” was enough for Democrats and media to categorize the murders as rightwing violence, and some to this day still regard it as such. Sarah Palin was an object of obsession at the time, so a political ad of hers using crosshairs to identify Democratic opponents in mid-term elections was seized upon as a conspicuous call to violence upon which Loughner might have acted (serving as well attendant calls for stricter gun control). Loughner would eventually be declared unfit for trial and forcibly medicated.

“Stochastic terrorism” remained mostly obscure until Trump’s first term, when a Washington Post op-ed by a former Department of Homeland Security official introduced the term following a mass shooting at an El Paso Walmart in 2019 directed at Mexican immigrants, declaring “there are no lone wolves”–invoking and discarding a precursor concept to stochastic terrorism theory originating in the study of Islamic terrorism.

By 2021 academics were citing the Daily Kos blog post as they announced a “new form of terrorism” in which the “user of inciting speech”, not the violent actor, is the Real Terrorist (bold added):

We adopt this order of events for our own discussion of the phenomenon. G2geek’s particular vision of stochastic terrorism also holds that the terrorist is the user of inciting speech rather than the person actually committing the violent act. The speech-then-violence ordering has since been discussed, specifically in reference to speech by political leaders, in recent sociopolitical commentary regarding events in the United States and elsewhere. Stochastic terrorism, moreover, is not a new term for a “lone-wolf terrorist” since it is a statistical construct rather than an adjectival inference concerning the asocial nature of an individual. In fact, recent research has found that the term “lone wolf ” is a misnomer since the social networks of individuals who carry out acts of violence without any external command or control are often broad and deep, exist both online and on the ground, and often contribute to the inspiration for an attack—even though the attack is done alone.

As stochastic terrorism theory developed, speaker intent, explicit language and subsequent violence were discarded as necessary conditions. Having established a questionable definition of intent and a dubious link between speech and violence, theorists then doubled back to remove the intent and violence from the formula, leaving only speech-as-terrorism, provided it met criteria designed to apply to rightwing speech specifically.

By May 2023 some progressive theorists began noticing the danger of being hoisted by their own theoretical petard if any objective application of the stochastic terrorism framework were to be allowed (bold added):

At first glance, the basic supposed structure of stochastic terrorism applies easily enough to the Williams case: a speaker, [Glenn] Beck (the stochastic terrorist), uses a mass media platform (Fox News) to broadcast incendiary rhetoric over time, seemingly bringing an audience member, Williams (the perpetrator/lone actor), to the point of wanting to commit a violent, politically inspired attack against a particular target (Tides Foundation/ACLU)…

But the concept as outlined should give us pause…in 2012, Floyd Corkins, a gay rights activist in the US, unsuccessfully sought to commit mass homicide at the Family Research Council (FRC). Corkins chose the FRC as his target because the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) had listed them alongside other anti-gay groups: in 2010, they called the FRC a “font of anti-gay propaganda throughout history”, locating its headquarters on a “Hate Map”…the target (the FRC) called the SPLC “reckless” in giving organisations the label of hate groups…it remains unclear what the role of intent here is supposed to be, and just how fine-grained it might have to be to qualify an actor as a stochastic terrorist. Elsewhere, Molly Amman and J. Reid Meloy, writing on stochastic terrorism, seem fairly relaxed about the matter: “The intent of the speaker to cause such violence may range from unwitting naivete – in the sense of an accidental sin – to full knowledge and hope that such violence will happen, the risk magnified by his or her public speech”

…without intent, might we otherwise end up classifying far too many acts of violence as stochastic terrorism? More concerningly still, perhaps it would become easier through this rhetorical device to classify as terroristic the words and speeches of power’s traditional political targets: ethnic minorities, academics, journalists, LGBTQIA+ communities, and more. Indeed, an instructive case here arises from Hamm and Spaaij’s example. Leaving intent out the picture (as they do), should the Floyd Corkins incident count as an instance of stochastic terrorism even if the SPLC was correct to call one of Corkins’s targets a hate group? If so, we now tread in murky waters, for it seems as though parties are at risk of committing indirect terrorism simply for labelling any institution, organisation, or group as hateful, given that others may act violently on that characterisation. The paradox this leads to is that we may no longer designate the groups most consistently demonstrating hateful attitudes towards others as hateful, for, by doing so, we could “become” terrorists (when the hate group is or could be targeted as a victim in turn). In this connection, it is especially important not to forget that the “terrorist” label has moral and political repercussions; as Jackson notes, for those so labelled, it “has real consequences for their lives and well-being, as well as that of the community from which they emerge”…

Accordingly, any definition of stochastic terrorism which depicts the relevant relationships in a normatively neutral fashion is liable to provide limited utility for understanding the phenomenon, since too many cases of ideologically inspired violent acts would meet the definition

So an adequate characterisation of stochastic terrorism ought to include more than just normatively neutral demonisation…Without suitably narrowing our working definition of stochastic terrorism to include only those cases of wrongful and deceitful demonisation, too much would fall under its umbrella, such as the gay-rights protest movement and arguably the SPLC in the Corkins case above

(Taken as a whole the various leftist papers citing one another can read more like a strategy session among partisans than a theoretical debate among scholars.)

The problems for those characterizing stochastic terrorism as a specifically right wing authoritarian phenomenon were already made obvious by the Black Lives Matter movement and the George Floyd riots of summer 2020. That media-driven moral panic contained all their putative elements of stochastic terrorism: “fear mongering”, in allegations of an outright genocide on black Americans; “demonization” of an out-group or “folk devils“, in this case white people, as the media uncritically adopted critical race theory; and “misinformation” as widespread violence was denied, downplayed or justified while police violence was deliberately overrepresented (leaving many, to this day, with the impression hundreds of blacks are murdered annually with impunity by police) and the true context—black crime rates relative to other groups—ignored or censored.

So determined was the media to keep the rioting going, when opponents began pointing out the hypocrisy of demanding Covid lockdowns reaching all the way down to family gatherings on one hand and promoting massive, close-quarter BLM demonstrations on the other, Anthony Fauci himself was brought forward to bless the BLM rallies, invoking another fashionable trope arising out of the George Floyd panic: racism as a “public health crisis”. The frankly comic implication being the lives BLM rioting would save from “structural racism” would outweigh those lost to Covid. A wholly fictional threat trumping a wildly overstated one.

No one has quantified the lives “saved” from racism by the George Floyd riots, and no one has attempted to estimate how many lives were lost to Covid due to BLM rallies, demonstrating how unserious both assumptions were. But it has been estimated 42 people died in relation to the “racial justice” protests between 2020 and 2023. This leaves out pre-2020 BLM violence, such as the murder of five policemen by a BLM supporter at a Texas demonstration in 2016 when the president and his attorney general were both encouraging the movement. Lives lost to subsequent defunding of police is in the thousands and likely ongoing.

So with logical contradictions having as little weight as they do when the motive is purely political, stochastic terrorism theory, with a few evasive head fakes and stutter steps around obvious and lurid contradictions, kept moving toward its end zone.

Stochastic terrorism theory found more fodder in opposition to draconian Covid measures. After the exposure of a hapless plot to kidnap Michigan governor Gretchen Whitmer that (at least) bordered on a case of entrapment, a 2021 paper declared the emergence of a new form of political violence”, stochastic terrorism:

Over the next few months, they plotted to kidnap and potentially murder the governor, motivated by the belief she was exercising unrestrained authority. On April 30, 2020, they joined others who armed themselves and physically invaded the state capitol to protest; some protestors waved “Trump” flags and at least one wore a mask reading, “Liberate Michigan.” The following morning, President Trump tweeted support for the protestors. Encouraged, the April plotters continued their research, planning and preparations. The FBI arrested them on October 7, and on the following day, President Trump tweeted, “…I do not tolerate ANY extreme violence. Defending ALL Americans, even those who oppose and attack me, is what I will always do as your President! Governor Whitmer—open up your state, open up your schools, and open up your churches!”

…the coronavirus pandemic of 2020 forced most states to close or severely limit public activity at certain businesses such as bars, restaurants and gyms—and required masks to be worn in public, in order to slow the spread of the virus. Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer enacted several such measures relatively early in the pandemic, triggering criticism and protests from extreme-right groups.
President Donald Trump publicly supported those protests, dismissively referring to Governor Whitmer as “that woman from Michigan” on Twitter, and tweeting on April 17, 2020, “LIBERATE MICHIGAN!” He also issued a call to “save” the Second Amendment, because it was “under siege.” Two days later, several individuals including some from a previously organized extreme right-wing group, the Wolverine Watchmen, began discussions about taking action, starting with finding the governor’s home address.

Out of 25 men implicated 14 were charged and nine eventually convicted in a plot that appeared comically inept. The involvement of FBI informants (defendants’ lawyers alleged a total of 12) in encouraging the plot complicate efforts to characterize it as resulting from stochastic terrorism (demagogues encouraging random actors to commit violence for shared ends), while broadly calling into question the validity of the stochastic terrorism model as presented–in our landscape dotted with trolls, Hasbara, doxxing and politically motivated or overzealous law enforcement (bad faith actors encouraging individuals to commit violence, for opposing ends).

During the Biden Administration theorists, citing the January 6 riot at the Capitol, turned their attention to constructing a legal framework using “stochastic terrorism” to repeal the First Amendment and establish European-style speech laws:

Accordingly, this Note proposes overturning the Supreme Court case Brandenburg v. Ohio. This will allow states to impose standards and statutes modeled after international law that will both acknowledge and address the epidemic of stochastic violence that is often carried out under the guise of political speech by politicians and the press.

In Brandenburg v Ohio the Warren Court overturned the conviction of a Klu Klux Klan leader for incitement to violence under Ohio law, interpreting the First Amendment to allow speech, even that advocating the use of force or “of law violation”, unless it is “directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is likely to incite or produce such action”. In other words you’re allowed to advocate violent revolution or criminal resistance in general, just not to advocate specific criminal acts.

The paper quoted above proposes the US adopt in full the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (an international treaty previously ratified by the US, excepting its Article 20 allowing for limits on speech and freedom of association).

Article 20 requires nations to prohibit “propaganda for war” and “advocacy of national, racial, or religious hatred that constitutes incitement” by law. In practice, legislatures that abide by Article 20 must statutorily restrict speech associated with incitement of stochastic terrorism, like misrepresentations of immigrants at the southern border as an “invasion,” because of the racial hatred and subsequent violence this rhetoric often causes. This directly implicates the possibility of statutorily prohibiting the great replacement theory, similar conspiracies, and other inciteful political rhetoric from being shared. However, while Article 20 mandates legal action, statutory prohibitions still must prove to be a necessity under Article 19, paragraph 3 to pass muster.

Things got more interesting when 2024 ended with the assassination of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson followed by a shocking level of support for the alleged killer Luigi Mangione, mostly on the left due to the victim’s status as the top executive of a health insurance company. It may have occurred to some that mainstreaming of stochastic terrorism theory would have to wait for Mangione Mania to subside.

Then Charlie Kirk was assassinated on September 11 of this year, to another frenzy of immediate and unashamed celebration. A pattern seems to be developing. A spike in google searches for the phrase “stochastic terrorism” in the days following Kirk’s murder suggests the phrase occurred to some in connection with the killing. Meanwhile the continuing absence of this onetime pet concept on the Left, like the dog that didn’t bark, suggests the Left sees the contradictions as well.

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If the study of stochastic terrorism was a good faith effort it would address the implications of the political celebrations of the cases of Charlie Kirk and Brian Thompson as ex post facto stochastic terrorism. To the extent stochastic terrorism theorists have considered public responses to violence, it has been to characterize the typical boilerplate denunciations of violence made by Republican leaders following rightwing attacks as somehow evidence of culpability–all part of the stochastic sequence. It’s notable however there has yet to be a rightwing equivalent to the leftwing reactions to the Kirk and Thompson assassinations.

What there has been is a posthumous radicalization of Kirk’s image, presenting his views as more extreme than they were. Despite his niche (some would say grift) trolling youthful college students’ weak spots, transgenderism and “racism” mostly, Kirk was seen by genuine rightwing radicals as soft on these burlesque show issues and dead wrong on the litmus-test–Israel and Jewish power. Despite his ridiculing of transgenderism at his events, his position was a compromise: “there are two genders, pick one” (as in identify as the opposite sex all you want but let’s draw the line at non-binary). Viewed objectively, Kirk looks less like a radical “conservative” standing athwart leftist whig history than one lagging behind asking it to slow down a little, as the old joke goes.

Spontaneous or organized, exaggerating Kirk’s supposed radicalism plays like a political rearguard action, implying that due to Kirk’s “hateful” conduct his murder, in the language of stochastic terrorism, was “statistically predictable but individually unpredictable”. Applied as intended stochastic terrorism theory should hold that Kirk’s “hateful” speech was and remains stochastic terrorism (as “demonization” of “vulnerable” or “marginalized” groups), and rhetoric demonizing him before or after his murder is not (being defense of these “vulnerable” or “marginalized” groups).

Support for the murders of Kirk and Thompson would seem to create problems for the would-be censors seeking to codify stochastic terrorism into law. Not only do these exceptional cases mock and make nonsense of their arguments, they are not so very exceptional and threaten to get less exceptional all the time. Does anyone doubt the celebrations of a successful assassination of Trump would dwarf these?

Regarding another man whose murder would become a veritable holiday on the Left, in December 2024 an armed man who had allegedly committed a triple homicide earlier in the day appeared on Nick Fuentes’ doorstep before trying to gain entry. After he left he was chased by police into a home where he killed two dogs. Fuentes says the man found his home after he was doxxed on X. A few weeks before a woman showed up at his door to confront him; after Fuentes pepper-sprayed her he was charged with assault. Few news stories have been memory-holed quicker than the apparent murder attempt, and the standard google search returns article after article titled with something like “Holocaust denier Nicke Fuentes says…” or “Far Right Influencer Nick Fuentes claims…”

All of this would seem to have consequences for stochastic terrorism theorists in their attempt to craft and codify in law a distinction between right/populism and left/elitist goals masquerading as objective. The unfortunate reality is they may only need what they mostly already have—a similarly leftwing judiciary—to selectively apply the law, not to win an argument in our rapidly degrading national discourse.

But with the rapidly shifting psychology of individuals and groups on either side of the widening political divide, the high hopes they have for stochastic terrorism theory faces a new threat: another powerful faction’s joining with the Left in its enthusiasm for stochastic terrorism in practice, rather than in theory.

In their desperation to halt a growing awareness of Jewish power and its influence, influential Jews and their sycophants are resorting to what would go well beyond the leftists’ necessary preconditions for stochastic terrorism. The pro-Israel right in the United States is putting leftwing shamelessness to shame and making the rants of the Sean Hannitys of the world look like the child’s play it always was. They are pushing what’s left of implicit boundaries by getting as close as they can to open suggestions that someone do something about Israel’s critics in the US.

There is an infamous historical quote which I’ve seen mentioned at least once by a theorist of stochastic terrorism, Henry II’s suggestive “will no one rid me of this turbulent priest?” complaint that supposedly led four knights to murder Thomas Beckett, Archbishop of Canterbury, on his behalf without the King having to order it explicitly. The quote was referenced when Donald Trump suggested “the Second Amendment people” might stop Hillary Clinton taking power and installing liberal judges–on somewhat better grounds than is usually the case for criticism of Trump’s effusions.

But suggesting violence without specificity to maintain plausible deniability (think the “in Minecraft…” meme) is obviously very different from what stochastic terrorism theorists want to ban–any speech that might anger enough people that one might act out violently against people and goals those theorists support. Whether or not that speech is true or those goals are in fact malicious–to the wrong sort of people, like you–is beside the point–this is where the theorists are lying. The “great replacement theory”, oft-cited by stochastic theorists is presented as a malicious fabrication, when, as they well know, the distinction between those for and those against demographic replacement isn’t a dispute over fact, but a clash of interests. Like many an “antisemitic trope” the great replacement “theory” is either a profound slur or a cause for celebration depending on the context–see Joe Biden celebrating the decline of the white American population, or any number of instances of Jewish groups boasting of such as their role in promoting transgenderism.

No, the Beckett option is of a distinctly different character, and one can’t help recalling it with Josh Hammer’s call for someone to rid the Right of turbulent Tucker Carlson, wily fox in the GOP henhouse.

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Less clear but reasonably suspicious considering the timing of the Kirk assassination was Hammer’s call for “execution” days before:

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Nick Fuentes invoked “stochastic terrorism” regarding some of the unhinged rants directed at him that seem to issue daily from Mark Levin and Ben Shapiro.

Israel fatigue has grown so much that even Megyn Kelly has mildly complained about Israel’s dominance of US media, and while she remains on the pro-Israel reservation, she’s been eying the fence line suspiciously. The Babylon Bee, long ago having abandoned satire for self-satire in its zeal to defend Israel, stepped up, making a morbid joke about booby-trapped pagers:

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I’m reminded of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu bestowing on President Trump a gift of two pagers. One was gold-plated and one was not. Curious. The gold one represents lucre (I say). What’s the plain pager represent? It’s like giving someone a gold-plated bomb and what appears to be a real bomb, to commemorate a bombing. Put this on your mantlepiece! I don’t know if the Bee had this in mind (or are just engaged in making tasteless light of a gruesome terror campaign) but the joke might be interpreted as carrying the same implied threat as the pager “gift”. Whatever the case, the Israeli Prime Minister can be seen as making both a joke and a warning of the pager attacks, which have been convincingly argued to be illegal and terroristic. I suspect the Babylon Bee was inspired by Netanyahu’s own threatening sense of humor.

But it’s not clear if the writers at the Bee, not known for their sophistication, truly understand the implications of their joke. Because stripped of the immediate context (the Bee shills for Israel; Megyn has displeased Israel at the moment) its deeper, unavoidable if unintended, context is killing journalists is something Israel does. Their beeper joke is accidentally akin to the common joke about former Clinton associates committing suicide. Do the guys at the Bee understand that joke is on the Clintons, not their supposed victims? I’m not sure they aren’t just, like Donald Trump, not very subtle and not very reflective.

Israel’s rightwing government has clearly taken advantage of October 7 and a pliant Trump Administration to expand their territory and eliminate the Gazans. It appears the attacks were allowed to happen for that purpose. The accompanying propaganda campaign arrived as if ready-to-go, though it need not have been; the histrionics about “genocide” and hoaxes about beheaded babies needed no coordination or encouragement. One could say they are stochastic: predictable generally, not specifically; the babies hoax, for instance, seems to have been improvised by an ambitious Israeli on the ground after the attack.

At the same time the stranglehold on criticism or even an objective understanding of Israel and Jewish power has long operated by the logic of stochastic terrorism theory, where a broadly defined antisemitism is always the beginning of a second holocaust—stochastic theory on steroids, words threatening not just individual acts of terror but civilizational genocide. Indeed, the treatment of “antisemitic” words, as causing actionable harm in and of themselves, as “violent” absent actual violence, was the “stochastic terrorism” model long before Dr Woo coined the phrase.

Ironically stochastic terrorism theory mirrors the authoritarian definition of terrorism: it’s when the weaker side or the other guy does it. So those behind stochastic terrorism theory may still, despite themselves, help us better understand a reality we’ve long endured but little understood. An honest understanding of random processes as they work on us through our media-saturated environment, and how they can be manipulated, will serve us well—until the hammer of censorship comes down, ironically in the name of stochastic terrorism, to prevent a genuine understanding of it and other things.

Re-run

This is from 2020. What started out as a story about a certain virus and the insanity it produced became a story about virality and the insanity it produces. It parodies another story by a familiar American author.

Day of the Red Eye

In the meantime it was folly to grieve, or to think.

Rapper Tha Prince was history’s single most famous person.

No name or image before his had ever been as familiar to as many. The details of a personal life had never been so widely revealed and examined–and much of it in the moment, broadcast live in “real time”.

Cameras followed Tha everywhere, always. The first performer to amass a fortune in the tens of billions he was an industry unto himself; his very minutes were processed and packaged and delivered in a variety of forms to waiting media nodes, where they were consumed daily. As one of Tha’s management team (he called them his “hebros”) noted, its model was the food distribution system, daily sending out trucks with perishable goods.

His lyrics and random musings were the subject of several college courses and analyzed like a sort of daily gospel stream, despite their stupidity and incoherence. His insubstantial expressions would have floated away on the breeze like spores if not for the weighty anchor of his popularity. Between the global wrath of his admirers and his economic might, Tha crushed all dissent. None dared note his lack of intelligence, the garbled, inarticulate speech (the absurdity of his Nobel for literature!), his child-like narcissism, his celebration of violence and street crime.

The legend of his genius was sacrosanct. That he wrote and produced his entire fourth album in his head down to the minutest detail was not just believed, it was received gratefully, confirming the selection of Tha as prophet.

And his wouldn’t be the first prophet’s life shrouded in questionable myth–as his intellectual apologists pointed out. Making people believe Jesus walked on water was a greater feat than Jesus walking on water–the former being the whole point, whereas the latter, if not witnessed, would have been pointless.

Besides, what god worth his salt can’t walk on water? But, for a mere mortal to make the world believe he does? There’s an achievement.

That Tha’s work and life were of a seamless whole was one of two core tenets to which he held true, the other being his celebration of greed. He praised money as a means to power and revolutionary change in his work but his actions belied little genuine interest–he was a coveted but stingy and unreliable political donor to causes familiar and trendy.

Why in the first place he would be interested in a revolution overturning this world he bestrode like a colossus did not even occur to the people. That this contradiction was lost on them was an unappreciated feat, a sort of negative miracle of which no one was more oblivious than Tha himself: this novel prophet had made the seeing blind.

This is not to say he was without talent. His forays outside of music were all genuine, not simply the lending of his name, and they were all equally successful. He was an auteur carrying his own distinct aesthetic across various media.

He was known for his love of the bizarre hybrid and curious deformity. His work skirted the morbid and grotesque, stopping just short of repulsing a long-jaded public, no mean feat.

Despite his lyrics lacking all nuance, their true novelty was lost in all the reverential praise. He didn’t employ transgressive humor, joking about violence or sex (or violence and sex) to outrage, no, he blended humor and violence and sex in a way that you didn’t know where one left off and the other began. To Tha saying violence was fun was like saying sex was fun.

To him violence wasn’t fun; violence was joyous.

Domination achieved by violence and maintained by cruelty as the highest good, as religious ecstasy; this was his theme, and message–the most successful and least understood artist, and prophet, of all time.

On the day Tha’s fashion label Red Masque launched its spring line with the usual hype, a university researcher on the other side of the world squinted through a microscope at a soft red bloom. A local doctor had sent the sample, unable to explain an alarming nerve disorder among workers at a textile mill.

Slight tremors announced its onset, felt most acutely around the soft tissue of the eyes, which soon became painfully sensitive to light. All sensation gradually intensified, becoming unbearable. Sound became amplified and shrill. Sufferers reported everything tasted of ash, even the air.

All the while the tremors progressed gradually into violent convulsions. Eventually the victim thrashed about as if in comic dance, arms and legs flailing with an electric, tremulous action, often injuring himself to the point of incapacity–a blessing as only in the final stage would the most horrifying aspect reveal itself when the eyes, their whites turned red from burst blood vessels, bulged and pressed forward, illuminated and pulsing with a neon glow (possibly bacterial bioluminescent luciferase) before death’s merciful release.

“The Red Eye”, as it came to be known, took just 24 hours from first sign to death; with a curious precision, no cases varied more than a few seconds from this mandate.

Early on one of Tha’s hebros, before the true threat of the disease was known, called it a “happy accident” that at the same time their spring line employed as a recurring motif a sort of rose bloom, its center subtly suggesting an eye, with jagged petals above blending below into a pattern of red tears. “Instant notoriety,” he said approvingly.

He had no idea: examining the work more closely one might have gleaned Tha’s meaning–and here he had been unusually focused. Transfixed by the image of a viral host cell, the work started developing in Tha’s mind as if of its own accord. Had he the awareness he would have described being under the influence of genuine inspiration.

Each successive item of apparel in his runway show represented a visual analogy of the next stage of a virus’ progress in capturing a host cell and reproducing itself, culminating in the final piece of apparel Tha modeled himself.
Tha’s spring line was a celebration of contagion, representing Tha as a benign viral agent in divine turnabout capturing the culture of the Man, enslaving it and forcing it to turn out endless copies of Tha. Only he knew what he specifically meant in titling the show “Positively Spring”.

The speed and certainty of the disease’s course meant all lived under the threat of violent expulsion from society at a moment’s notice. Anyone visibly trembling in public would throw anyone near into a panic; the universal response was to run away–if one could. If one couldn’t, all manner of unfortunate acts of desperation could and did happen, as in the case of a man pushed in front of a subway car by commuters wielding clubs and bars and whatever they could grab to avoid touching him. Many cases of mistaken, rash actions taken against such as epileptics or anyone with a physical condition causing tremors–one young woman narrowly escaped a mob after shivering excessively in the cold–were recorded in the few days before everything fell apart and normal life ceased entirely.

Heartbreaking stories of family or friends abandoned in an instant, and of those who refused to abandon their fellows, abounded. Often a good soul would recognize the onset of the Red Eye and flee–bravely running away, shouting warning. In the end many more jumped than were pushed before subway cars. The horror brought out the best and worst in us.

Within a week of the Red Eye dropping Tha Prince convened the hebros.

“It’s good to own an island.” One of them offered. A look from Tha revealed he had forgotten about it.

“Two years ago. You may recall, we were thinking about making it an offshore pay-per-view site when regulators were still giving us trouble over Combat Sports League.

“E’s been using it for his private parties, you know, and while that’s been a negligible source of revenue for us he has built the place up. Well, it’s just sitting there. It’s got a small hospital we were going to use for fights; E even had a little dentist’s office set up there. It’s got a good airstrip. Still, we’ll have to build it up quickly, of course, but it’s a great start. Then there’s the question of who we’ll, of who you’ll bring along.” 

These last words fell like train cars off a cliff into the tense silence of the videolink.

Tha grunted for him to continue.

“We could outfit the place to survive indefinitely with what we’ve already laid by as far as food and basics–longer-term, should the need arise, there’s arable land, good fishing and even some game running around–we could stock a lot more. We’ve got cattle in our holdings already without a market–we’re slaughtering loads of them just to clear the books right now.”

“Well, what we waiting for?”

Creating Tha’s island was a logistical project on the scale of a military invasion.
Cargo planes flew round the clock. A motley fleet of private planes joined in–their owners angling for a spot on the island. Unauthorized planes, boats and others tried to crash the island–but Tha’s team had put a crack security force in place first thing. Showing what cooperation can achieve, ex-officers of the Israeli Air Defense Command worked amicably with former Iranian naval officers, whose speedboats boasted a perfect record at intercepting boats, rafts, low-flying aircraft, two gliders and one innertube.

In flowed the pilgrims, beginning with the hebros and their families; then those upon whom Tha saw fit to bestow the blessing, his friends and their families, but not all, alas (there were so many!); and then the ranks of the useful: the “hoes”, women all selected for a particular body type and look; there were performers such as dancers, musicians, DJs, acrobats and clowns.

There were people selected for necessary practical talents, such as doctors (no need to establish a lawyer quota, one of the hebros joked), electricians and engineers, chefs, mechanics and technicians. There were no writers or critics.

They brought sound equipment and lighting, for there would be shows; a pot farm and a chemical laboratory were transferred whole; they tried transporting a small amusement park but ran out of time. There was a brief attempt at a reality show competition for slots on the island, but things broke down too quickly.

Thirteen thousand made it past the weeklong quarantine–and never saw the crematorium downwind. Remorse, guilt and nostalgia waned quickly, as their early days were spent repelling desperate refugees, each representing a mortal threat. Their fear of the outside world hardened them to it. Eventually the world went silent, and the refugees stopped coming.

The summer was a continuous bacchanal. Their needs were met and their days were filled with pleasures.

One day sullenly bored Tha gazed upon an orgiastic scene before him and inspiration struck. It was time for a real party, one inaugurating their time on the island; it would be a masquerade. Tha would consecrate the occasion with a special composition, in the classic fashion.

There would be games, for the spirit of competition needed to be instilled in them now, he thought, looking at the writhing, fleshy bodies and dull expressions.

Let there be rap battles and dance-offs, a costume ball with the Red Eye as theme. He was enlivened. No one watching the lizard-lidded, slack-jawed Tha gaze upon the orgy would have guessed the ferment in his mind at that moment.

The hall arranged for the ball was a scene equal to the magnificence of Tha Prince.

Six suites faced off three-on-three across a round dance floor, each lit in a color of the rainbow–but for red–and representing a corresponding theme. The suites were open to the floor, and their walls angled outward away from their interiors–so that no place in the hall was out of sight of any other place.

Throughout the suites were the looted treasures of the old world. The  Laocoön throbbed obscenely in purple, amid the writhing mass of dancing bodies. Via projection Tha’s lyrics and writings continually scrolled down the body of David; he actually looked a bit sickly in green.

A round stage illuminated red from below stood in the center of the floor. Near the stage in shadow Tha slouched on a perfect copy of a throne Napoleon used–actually something he’d commissioned himself long before the Red Eye–on a tear-drop shaped recessed platform.

The dancers enthralled. The Red Eye’s thrashing and tremulous death throes lent themselves perfectly to all manner of street dance, of course, and there was even a modern interpretative adaptation, and a ballet version, for they had not neglected to bring Beauty. Tha had only given one direction, the suggestion they incorporate humor. The dancers took up the license with enthusiasm, competing to outdo each other in Red Eye gallows humor.

Likewise the masqueraders. The costumes were eerily realistic–they had the resources of a Hollywood studio on hand–and obscenely comic. Skits were performed; they competed to create the most offensive.

All the while Tha nodded approvingly from the shadow of the teardrop.

He felt warm inside as he waited to give his final rap concluding the ball. The hall had grown quiet, the revelers were sated, the bass line fading out. They waited, looking up toward him rapturously. He swallowed down the unfamiliar lump in his throat–what was it? he asked himself– and rose, turning toward the hushed mass.

They gasped. The hall shuddered beneath a single bass note that came from somewhere over and above the sound system. An electronic voice boomed the standard hip hop encore announcement:

“No, no, we ain’t done, we ain’t done…”

Still isolated in light amidst the darkened hall, Tha turned around and saw a figure in the half-shadow of the stage.

The bass line started rolling, building ominously; the hall’s speakers hissed and smoked and blew out but the bass just kept getting louder somehow. The house lights popped and cracked and exploded one by one, but on the stage rose a white light, faint and slowly growing brighter. The figure became visible as the light rose, rocking his head to the bass line–and Tha couldn’t help noticing how perfect it was, as dense as lead and expansive as sky at the same time.

The figure was of human outline if not quite form, with two arms, two legs and a head; it appeared to be made out of eyeballs, all eyeballs, eyeballs upon eyeballs, teeming, crowding, pulsing here and there–to the beat–with the familiar and horrible phosphorescent glow of the Red Eye.

His rocking gradually became a dance as he advanced slowly from the back of the stage to the center. He spun on the floor like a break dancer; rising and pretending to dust himself off he went into a moon walk and transitioned into a perfect slide; he popped, he locked–the swaying eyeballs lagged his motion, seeming to defy gravity as they sort of floated on him, like seaweed in the ocean current. Here and there they parted like tall grass.

He executed a perfect pirouette, spinning impossibly fast and long, with the eyes on their stems wrapping around him like flaxen hair. Still he went faster until he became a blur; just when it seemed he would come apart he stopped in an instant, the lagging eyeballs taking a moment to catch up and fall in place.

The figure motioned as if dizzy and needing time to recover.

He did “the robot” with a comic flair. He performed a jete. He split off into two and danced a waltz with himself and recombined. He formed a high-kicking chorus line, then recombined. By now he was close to Tha, who was standing stock-still, trying to find his voice. The figure did the shimmy, mockingly. The illuminated eyeballs started forming patterns, like the bulbs on a scoreboard. These began taking the shape of the designs from Tha’s Positively Spring show; it even showed him designs that he didn’t produce, but recognized as the half-formed ideas that hadn’t come to fruition.

“Eat at Joe’s…Eat at Joe’s…Eat at Joe’s…” The eyes spelled out finally. The figure heaved and held its midsection as if laughing, gesturing for forgiveness and pretending to wipe away a tear of laughter.

 Now Tha found his voice.

“I’m gon’ kill this mothafucka!” He bellowed. The sound of his own words boosted his courage, and it was uncommon courage indeed by which he charged while everyone else in the hall crouched and knelt, faces lowered, too terrified to move. Ashamed of his early terror, disdainful of the cowering mass, Tha Prince advanced.

Tha drove a massive fist into the center of the beast. It was absorbed and held there as he tried to pull it back. He tried pushing off with his other hand; it too stuck. Unthinking in his panic he offered a foot. The figure began drawing him in as he thrashed and howled.

The process hesitated with Tha’s face alone not yet submerged, Tha holding his mouth in the gaping pout of a swimmer going down.

Tha Prince, motherfuckers, and I own all this shiii–“

The words were submerged as he was yanked in as if by a rope. Tha’s signature roar, never more impressive, escaped from within the figure as a crescendo halting the music.

No sound from within or without relieved the silence; even the panic in the people’s hearts could not escape their terrified throats.

The still figure began pulsing rhythmically, barely perceptible at first, with each pulse bigger and coming faster than the last. Now the whole of him began tilting side-to-side like a bowling pin; someone managed a pathetic wail; as if in response the figure exploded.

Eyeballs showered the cowering people. Eyeballs bounced off the walls, some sticking, some sliding down like slugs. Eyeballs trailed tendrils like pennants as they flew. Eyeballs landed on skin, caught up in hair. Eyeballs collided in air. Eyeballs slinked like inch-worms on their stalks across the floor. Eyeballs writhed like fish out of water. A gusher of eyeballs streamed from where the figure had been.
And then it stopped.

As one they felt the faint, fearsome tremors; as one they cringed beneath the light and sound; as one they danced the death dance. 

As one they were collected by the Red Eye.

The Etiquette of Imperial Failure

It’s inadvisable to weigh in late on these things, when so many have weighed in so much already, but regarding the recent New York Times feature “The Partnership: The Secret History of the War in Ukraine”; first, what the Times gets (half) right, albeit by questionable pro-war premises:

In the great-power contest for security and influence after the Soviet Union’s collapse, a newly independent Ukraine became the nation in the middle, its Westward lean increasingly feared by Moscow. Now, with negotiations beginning, the American president has baselessly blamed the Ukrainians for starting the war, pressured them to forfeit much of their mineral wealth and asked the Ukrainians to agree to a cease-fire without a promise of concrete American security guarantees — a peace with no certainty of continued peace.

Of course by “baselessly blamed” the Times means Trump should be placing all the blame on Putin. But the Times ignores our share of blame and actions that have driven events since before the Maidan Coup of 2014, even as the paper goes on to describe a criminal scandal it doesn’t acknowledge as such: the secret war we’ve been waging on Russia, through Ukraine, from the start, under cover of the Times’ own dishonest reporting.

President Trump and Vice President Vance, depending on where you stand, were either shamelessly irresponsible or righteously indignant when they publicly berated Volodymyr Zelensky at their infamous joint press conference. But that event looks more and more contrived by Trump to leave Zelensky holding the bag. Vance demanding Zelensky thank us for our support in the grand goat fuck into which we’ve drawn him is a level of hypocrisy that can only be achieved in our hyper-dishonest time–and few seem even to notice. The fact of the matter is Zelensky is on the verge of becoming the latest in a long historical line of victims of an alliance with aggressive US foreign policy; and while he remains to blame for the destruction of Ukraine, motivated by his greed and ambition, the dynamic between he and any US administration at this point should that of competing recriminations between partners in a failing criminal enterprise.

The proper response from Zelensky, if the former professional now figurative clown is still capable of a good comeback, would have been to demand an apology–for being suckered into our grand plan. No doubt more smoke was blown up the little guy’s ass than that produced by a burning surplus M113 regarding the prospects for victory (and probably the likelihood of a Kamala Harris administration keeping the US firmly in the “kill chain”). Keep in mind it may have been more than once Zelensky–who originally ran for president as a peace candidate (sound familiar, Trump voters?) and may have actually meant it before being lured into the role of proxy Churchill–has tried to get off this ride or de-escalate the conflict. When Boris Johnson allegedly scuppered a peace deal in April of 2022 and before that receiving death threats from Azov supporters rejecting his plan to mutually disengage with the Russians in the Ukrainian town of Zolote–an action that might have led to peace talks (precisely what Azov feared). Under the joint finger-wagging of Trump and Vance Zelensky should have offered Michael Corleone’s response to a corrupt politician shaking him down while calling him a thug: “Senator, we’re both part of the same hypocrisy…”

The tale begins:

On a spring morning two months after Vladimir Putin’s invading armies marched into Ukraine, a convoy of unmarked cars slid up to a Kyiv street corner and collected two middle-aged men in civilian clothes.

Leaving the city, the convoy — manned by British commandos, out of uniform but heavily armed — traveled 400 miles west to the Polish border. The crossing was seamless, on diplomatic passports. Farther on, they came to the Rzeszów-Jasionka Airport, where an idling C-130 cargo plane waited.

The passengers were top Ukrainian generals. Their destination was Clay Kaserne, the headquarters of U.S. Army Europe and Africa in Wiesbaden, Germany. Their mission was to help forge what would become one of the most closely guarded secrets of the war in Ukraine.

One of the men, Lt. Gen. Mykhaylo Zabrodskyi, remembers being led up a flight of stairs to a walkway overlooking the cavernous main hall of the garrison’s Tony Bass Auditorium. Before the war, it had been a gym, used for all-hands meetings, Army band performances and Cub Scout pinewood derbies. Now General Zabrodskyi peered down on officers from coalition nations, in a warren of makeshift cubicles, organizing the first Western shipments to Ukraine of M777 artillery batteries and 155-millimeter shells.

Then he was ushered into the office of Lt. Gen. Christopher T. Donahue, commander of the 18th Airborne Corps, who proposed a partnership.

The Times piece has been compared to The Pentagon Papers that exposed the futility and official lies of the war in Vietnam. If the Times’ view of that war mirrored their view of this one they would have framed the Pentagon Papers expose as the story of South Vietnamese military leadership failing to heed the wise counsel of US generals. After all, wasn’t South Vietnam just trying to split from its backward Northern half and join the free West, escaping the clutches of an authoritarian Russia? My how times, and the Times, have changed. The liberal establishment’s thinking has, in one of their favorite phrases, evolved.

Just as Trump and Vance staged their episode with Zelensky (Servant of the People, Season Four, Episode 1, “Thrown Under the Bus”) to leave Zelensky holding the bag of blame–we were just trying to help the ungrateful bastard!–the NYT’s expose is a staged effort to shift the military’s and the Times’ own blame.

But ultimately the partnership strained — and the arc of the war shifted — amid rivalries, resentments and diverging imperatives and agendas.

The Ukrainians sometimes saw the Americans as overbearing and controlling — the prototypical patronizing Americans. The Americans sometimes couldn’t understand why the Ukrainians didn’t simply accept good advice.

Where the Americans focused on measured, achievable objectives, they saw the Ukrainians as constantly grasping for the big win, the bright, shining prize. The Ukrainians, for their part, often saw the Americans as holding them back. The Ukrainians aimed to win the war outright. Even as they shared that hope, the Americans wanted to make sure the Ukrainians didn’t lose it.

You could argue from this that the American military subjected their proxy to the slow bleeding the war became after Ukraine’s early successes, while the Ukrainians correctly sensed their best chance was to overwhelm Russian forces as they reeled through the early days of the war. But what’s most remarkable is how the Times describes a criminal level of US involvement–and leaves out media complicity (do you think connected reporters were utterly ignorant of the extent of US involvement?)–without questioning the propriety of it; the piece is entirely an absolution of blame for and lament of the now acknowledged failure of the project.

Only tepidly does the report address the Biden Administration’s risking nuclear war to escalate US involvement:

The partnership operated in the shadow of deepest geopolitical fear — that Mr. Putin might see it as breaching a red line of military engagement and make good on his often-brandished nuclear threats. The story of the partnership shows how close the Americans and their allies sometimes came to that red line, how increasingly dire events forced them — some said too slowly — to advance it to more perilous ground and how they carefully devised protocols to remain on the safe side of it.

The ass-covering didn’t start with this report; the military’s use of petty euphemisms for their involvement reveals they understood well the questionable nature of their involvement:

Inside the U.S. European Command, this process gave rise to a fine but fraught linguistic debate: Given the delicacy of the mission, was it unduly provocative to call targets “targets”?

Some officers thought “targets” was appropriate. Others called them “intel tippers,” because the Russians were often moving and the information would need verification on the ground.

The debate was settled by Maj. Gen. Timothy D. Brown, European Command’s intelligence chief: The locations of Russian forces would be “points of interest.” Intelligence on airborne threats would be “tracks of interest.”

“If you ever get asked the question, ‘Did you pass a target to the Ukrainians?’ you can legitimately not be lying when you say, ‘No, I did not,’” one U.S. official explained.

While the report is as close to a mea culpa as we’ve seen from the media, the Times suggests the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian and Russian men (suggesting in the triumphal account of early Ukrainian and US successes in killing large numbers of the latter a boon all its own, without saying it outright) did not come without tangible benefits to the US:

That autumn day, the planning session and their time together done, General Donahue escorted General Zabrodskyi to the Clay Kaserne airfield. There he presented him with an ornamental shield — the 18th Airborne dragon insignia, encircled by five stars.

The westernmost represented Wiesbaden; slightly to the east was the Rzeszów-Jasionka Airport. The other stars represented Kyiv, Kherson and Kharkiv — for General Zaluzhny and the commanders in the south and east.

And beneath the stars, “Thanks.”

“I asked him, ‘Why are you thanking me?’” General Zabrodskyi recalled. “‘I should say thank you.’”

General Donahue explained that the Ukrainians were the ones fighting and dying, testing American equipment and tactics and sharing lessons learned. “Thanks to you,” he said, “we built all these things that we never could have.”

Shouting through the airfield wind and noise, they went back and forth about who deserved the most thanks. Then they shook hands, and General Zabrodskyi disappeared into the idling C-130.

Miss Manners of the Oval Office JD Vance would approve of all the gratitude on display here.

But General Donahue’s argument here has appeared elsewhere, in an arena where US interests are even harder to discern (and expenditures even harder to tally): as a defense of our unwavering support and arming of Israel, that being justified by such as the demonstrated lethality of 500 pound bombs deployed against civilians cowering in rubble. Unfortunately Donahue’s enthusiasm here suggests the lunatic aims of the neocon class, smarting from the impending defeat by backward old Russia, includes a very real potential for a direct war with Moscow. No need for working through pesky proxies. Of course just as the US military got to test out toys and tactics to be used against Russia in future conflicts, Russia has had the same opportunity. Those early months of Russian confusion and failure, and ensuing period demonstrating the superiority of their arms (and arms production) will have, should the need arise, proven invaluable in any future war with the US. That war, for an America that can no longer count on the patriotism of its legacy white population or the production of its industrial base, will likely depend on a quick, overwhelming shock and awe campaign. And while that itself is a long shot, based on the size and military strength of Russia, the threat of a nuclear exchange by one or both desperate parties becomes more likely.

And in the tragic third act of the New York Times’ account, as prospects for victory dwindle due to Ukrainian infighting and intransigence, Zelensky loses his heroic luster and the Times joins the White House in lightening the troika by tossing Zelensky (because at the end of the day these competing factions share the same ride):

Soon after, at a hastily arranged meeting on the Polish border, General Zaluzhny admitted to Generals Cavoli and Aguto that the Ukrainians had in fact decided to mount assaults in three directions at once.

“That’s not the plan!” General Cavoli cried.

What had happened, according to Ukrainian officials, was this: After the Stavka meeting, Mr. Zelensky had ordered that the coalition’s ammunition be split evenly between General Syrsky and General Tarnavskyi. General Syrsky would also get five of the newly trained brigades, leaving seven for the Melitopol fight.

“It was like watching the demise of the Melitopol offensive even before it was launched,” one Ukrainian official remarked.

Fifteen months into the war, it had all come to this tipping point.

“We should have walked away,” said a senior American official.

But they would not.

“These decisions involving life and death, and what territory you value more and what territory you value less, are fundamentally sovereign decisions,” a senior Biden administration official explained. “All we could do was give them advice.”

When they start invoking “sovereignty” reach for your revolver.

Bad Poetry Saturday

this will not do
not without you
no:
without your eyes to alight
color no more dances
morning won’t vanquish night
music no longer entrances
what’s that you say?
this soft night gleaming
this city teeming
with all those who
just like you
cry “this will not do”
(this we call vanity)
this too will continue
on our own fateful day?
let us
content ourselves with the conceit
all ends in our retreat
into oblivion’s apse
on this gentle lapse
as the old man rails
as youth’s oblivion fails
all
without you
will quite do

Bubba’s, 2-23-25

Live at 11:00 AM Pacific

Flags, Rags and Fags

A bill to redesign the Washington state flag, which features a portrait of the state’s namesake George Washington, failed to make it to the floor of the state legislature.

House Bill 1938, sponsored by Rep. Strom Peterson, D-Edmonds, would create a committee to come up with the redesign by 2028. 

“[We’re] not asking to remove George Washington from the history of Washington state,” Peterson said. “This is more about the aesthetics of the flag and what the flag could represent to bring people across the state together.” 

Peterson says the current design is plain and this proposal is an opportunity to create civic engagement, highlight Washington’s rich agricultural diversity, and create a sense of pride. 

Republicans don’t see it that way and are deriding the bill as “un-American.” 

The North American Vexillological Association — vexillology is the study of flags — identifies five elements that make a good state flag: simplicity, including symbols meaningful to the state, limiting colors, not relying on lettering or seals, and not resembling any other state’s flag.

Vexillology is a suspect discipline, and the North American Vexillological Association, inaugurated in 1967, is rotten with pc trendiness. Their website features a video by an obnoxious man named Michael Green (looks Jewish, sounds gay), proprietor of “Flags for Good”, a company apparently seeking to monetize cultural erasure by lobbying for and contracting to redesign your state’s flag. Flags for Good is described by Green as a “large player in the LGBT+ flag space” (so, nothing to say for the ugly and confusing welter of “Pride flags”, some of which they may be responsible for). Green is a former marketing guy hostile to nation, tradition, “arbitrary borders drawn hundreds of years ago” and the wrong types of “identity” (while being very enthusiastic about the right types of identity). He looks forward to AI designing “objective” new flags for various states and overcoming the objections of troublesome humans. He sees states and nations as “just service providers” and looks forward to a time when “our nationalities act like streaming services, where citizens can subscribe to a nationality because they like the health care and the tax benefits…” He’s got two TEDX Talks under his belt.

Apparently vexillology has its own eminences with their own “knowledge is good” level profundities:

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Olins was a British Jew expert in corporate branding.

Minnesota of course recently changed its flag, in part because it had an Indian on it.

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One criterion cited by such as the “experts” of NAVA making for a good flag is simplicity–so that said flag can be easily recreated in other formats. All that detail in the original Minnesota flag means it’s hard to reproduce, say, on letterhead or badges. Personally I reject the very idea of objective criteria for flag design. Aside from the inherent charm in outdated design (witness classic cars), archaic aesthetics constitute living, three dimensional and tactile history that cannot be reproduced in text or video–not reproduction but preservation of the real thing. Flag redesign can be filed under cultural erasure, but beyond the trendy political act, the obsession to redesign and update traditional symbols means loss of invaluable living historical artifacts. No wonder the soulless and (self imagined) stateless hollow men hate them.

But the faddish post-national point of view can’t have too much preservation, acting as it does as an affront and challenge to new, trendy and trite ideas such as “choosing” one’s identity, or humanity living in alienation from the natural world as represented by geography, heredity, nation, sex.

In 2006 Seattle’s King County changed its logo from a crown to a stern and accusatory image of Martin Luther King, who had no particular connection to the region. The county was originally named after William Rufus de Vane King, vice president to Franklin Pierce and a slaveowner, hence the re-designation. William King had no connection to the region either, if you don’t count rumors of his homosexuality.

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As Seattle blogger Carter Van Carter said at the time, Big Brother is watching you.

The University of California updated its logo some years back, simplifying, or one might say, retarding it; here it is alongside the old one:

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One is supposed to be inspired by the thought of staring at his screen watching that little “please be patient” dot-spinning-in-circles-of-futility icon.

I’m also reminded of my favorite bizarre brand design, the sinister and ambitious Sherwin Williams paint logo, designed by a man named George Ford and adopted in 1905:

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Ford wanted to emphasize the brand’s global ambitions. Perhaps he was a closet postmodernist, before the phrase was invented, out to deliberately unsettle and discomfort the viewer. You could write a book on how “bad” the logo is, but Sherwin Williams did of course go on to become global, and is the world’s most valuable paint brand, at 7.5 billion dollars as of 2023. I’m sure the soyboys at Flags for Good and NAVA would disapprove, but the design is not inconsistent with their own progressive and aesthetic standard, representing One World with its “arbitrary” borders and confusingly detailed natural geography submerged under a unifying and obliterating global glaze–fittingly revolutionary red.

Talk of renaming Washington State began (or accelerated) in the summer of 2020 (because Washington was a slaveowner) with the George Floyd riots. I genuinely wonder if someone thought of naming the state after Floyd. Why not replace one George with another? The State of Floyd sounds appropriately ridiculous, and the image of a golden casket might pass muster with the gang at Flags for Good, if sufficiently crude in execution (pardon the phrase) and if they got the contract to design it.

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George Washington statue redesign, Portland Oregon, 2020

Portland: Doom Follows Dumb

PORTLAND, Ore. (KPTV) – Economists are warning that Portland could be heading towards what they call an “urban doom loop.”

An urban doom loop happens when businesses close, people move out of a city, and in turn, tax revenue goes down, which causes a decrease in programs that spark economic activity, causing more businesses to keep closing.

The warnings come after the Portland Chamber of Commerce presented their economic forecast.

Some of the key takeaways from the presentation are that Multnomah County is losing residents and losing high-paying jobs.

In 2023, Multnomah County lost just more than 5,000 residents after losing more than 10,000 each year in 2021 and 2022.

The report also found that the county is losing thousands of jobs.

In 2024, there were 6,700 jobs lost in the information, financial and professional services sectors. The report also shows that people who make higher incomes are either staying in Multnomah County or they are leaving, but not moving in. The county is instead seeing people with lower incomes moving in.

On the contrary, Clark County in Washington is leading the region in population growth and is seeing people with more money moving in.

From the report:

The region lost jobs last year while the national labor market grew substantially–a rarity for Portland during an economic expansion–and the losses were concentrated in high-paying sectors like information, manufacturing, professional services, and financial services. Population loss has continued, as small natural increases (more births than deaths) were offset by out-migration.
The housing crisis persisted, with production remaining sluggish, and outside investors viewed the region unfavorably.

Despite the region’s stunning natural amenities, people have been “voting with
their feet” against the Portland area. High housing costs are a primary factor,
but the contrasting growth patterns between Oregon and Washington strongly
suggest that taxes and public services are also playing an outsized role…

Portland’s Multnomah County’s population loss is mitigated through immigration (and homeless in-migration) while its younger professionals move out, as it transitions from “Whitopia” to dystopia:

In 2024, there were 6,700 jobs lost in the information, financial and professional services sectors. The report also shows that people who make higher incomes are either staying in Multnomah County or they are leaving, but not moving in. The county is instead seeing people with lower incomes moving in.

Meanwhile house prices refuse to relent. The region is primed for Black Rock’s purported attempts to buy up residential real estate nationwide.

The housing affordability crisis is prevalent across the entire Portland metro area. Households with less than $85,000 annual income, a 20% down payment and an assume 6.5% interest rate, have virtually no affordable options between Wilsonville, OR to the south and La Center, WA to the north. Those with somewhat high incomes–up to $110,000–can find affordable options in outer suburbs (e.g., East Portland, Gresham, Aloha, and parts of Vancouver); however, those locations often come with longer work commutes and higher transportation costs. Much of the region is affordable only to households with income of $160,000 or higher.

Naturally the report, coming from the Chamber of Commerce, prescribes immigration as the answer.

Portland and its peers face slower population growth compared to the past two decades, with no domestic in-migration. Growth now relies on natural increases (more births than deaths) and international immigration. For the Portland region, population remained virtually flat in 2022–2023, as domestic out-migration offset modest gains from natural and international migration.

The report cites the ongoing depredations of Covid measures, but neglects to mention the George Floyd riots, Portland’s inability to enforce the law on homeless squatters and drug dealers and the ongoing disaster of its “harm reduction” model addressing the fentanyl crisis.

Meanwhile the homeless industrial complex is running out of money, naturally:

PORTLAND Ore. (KPTV) – Multnomah County is facing a $104 million shortfall in its budget for homeless services and has asked the state and Metro for emergency funds to help fill the gap, county officials announced on Friday.

On Friday, County Chair Jessica Vega Pederson said she sent letters to Metro and the state of Oregon asking for emergency resources to prevent deep cuts to critical services:

  • Request to the state of Oregon: An additional $55 million.
  • Request to Metro: $30 million, from unspent existing administrative funds.

In a statement from Governor Tina Kotek, she said she “learned about this ask less than 24-hours before the news dropped,” and has not yet decided whether to fullfill Vega Pederson’s request for funding.

“I made addressing homelessness and housing affordability a clear priority in my budget in response to the crisis at hand, which is impacting every corner of the state – not just Portland,” Kotek said in her statement. “And, Multnomah County’s challenges are real, and they serve among the largest homeless population in Oregon. Elected leaders have to make hard choices every single budget cycle based on the needs of Oregonians. I learned about this ask less than 24-hours before the news dropped. I have outstanding questions and potential concerns about how the county decided to make cuts to homeless services in their general fund. I am not prepared to take a position on whether to send one more state dollar to Multnomah County unless and until my office and the legislature have clear answers.”

Metro also said in a statement that it is still assessing Multnomah County’s situation and request for funding.

“Our top priority – everyone’s top priority – needs to be helping people get housed and sheltered, and maintaining our successes,” Metro said in its statement. “Every night, thousands of Oregonians sleep in beds furnished through the SHS program. We owe it to them, and to each other, to make sure they stay housed or sheltered and don’t end up back on the streets – while also working to end chronic homelessness in the Portland region.

Vega Pederson also sent letters to Washington and Clackamas counties asking them to work with Multnomah County on near-term and longer-term funding solutions for homeless services with impacts across county lines.

According to officials, the expected shortfall is due in part to the latest forecast of income from the Supportive Housing Services tax, which is expected to be lower than initially thought.

Without help from state and local funds, the county is facing a 25% cut in homeless services.

Meanwhile in Germany

The excellent German Substack blogger eugyppius gave a rundown of today’s German elections the other day:

Many readers – especially many American, Canadian and British friends – have expressed bewilderment at Germany’s party system. The eve of the German elections is as good a time as any to provide a basic primer on the different parties competing for votes within the Federal Republic, their rivalries and alliances, and their future prospects. This broad view will also clarify many present political tensions and explain why the firewall against Alternative für Deutschland has become such an important political principle, increasingly synonymous for our elites with “liberal democracy” itself.

For the sake of simplicity, I’ll only describe the largest parties that are most likely to make it into the Bundestag, and I’ll neglect many historical matters and some crucial details, with a view towards clarifying present affairs.

The German party system is highly conservative, and it continues to be dominated by the traditional parties, which have been with us since the founding of the Federal Republic in 1949 or even before. There are three of these:

1) The Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and its smaller Bavarian sister party, the Christian Social Union (CSU). The CDU and the CSU were originally conservative Christian democratic parties with some market liberal sympathies. Until the crucial chancellorship of Angela Merkel, they were also Volksparteien, or big-tent parties that represented basically all constituencies across the legally permissible right half of the political spectrum. Once upon a time, the CSU ruled Bavaria with an outright majority, and through the mid-1990s the CDU and CSU together generally commanded over 40% of the vote federally. Their decline began before Merkel’s chancellorship, but Merkel and her strategy of asymmetric demobilisation (more on that below) have cast them into a long crisis. If you had to sum up this crisis as briefly as possible, you’d say that it arises from the gradual transformation of the CDU/CSU from Volksparteien into the heavily triangulated centre-right parties of the present. The Union parties booked their worst result ever in 2021, with a mere 24% of the vote. They will be lucky if they get much more than 30% this time around. Americans looking for some orientation could do worse than equating the CDU and CSU with the pre-Trump Republican Party of the United States.

2) The Social Democratic Party (SPD). The SPD is the left-leaning counterpart to the right-leaning CDU/CSU, and their origins stretch back to the nineteenth century. The National Socialists banned the SPD, but after their wartime exile they returned to German politics. They were reconstituted in the Federal Republic and folded into the ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED) in communist East Germany. The SPD were also originally a Volkspartei, covering the left half of the political spectrum as a counterpart to the Union parties on their right, and they were once the traditional party of the working man. The SPD formally renounced Marxism after the 1950s, but they remained the home of hard-line leftists thereafter, although more moderate welfare-state progressives and cultural leftists have grown in prominence over the years. The SPD have always been slightly weaker than the Union parties federally, but through 2005 they could generally count on well over 30% of the national vote, and sometimes (as in 1972 and 1998) they even bested the CDU and CSU. Like the Union parties, the SPD are also in long-term decline, as they bleed working-class voters to the AfD and even CDU/CSU, and some of their more doctrinaire leftists to the newcomer Greens and even Die Linke. Tomorrow they will do worse than they have since the founding of the Federal Republic, coming in around 15%. American friends might want to think of the U.S. Democratic Party as a very rough analogue to the SPD, although the British Labour Party is perhaps a better comparison.

3) The Free Democratic Party (FDP). I often call the FDP a market-liberal party, but strictly speaking they are Ordoliberals who advocate for free markets while remaining agnostic on the wisdom of the social welfare state. Very crudely, you could say that the FDP is the party for people who would like to see their tax burdens reduced and hope for less interference in their lives and their businesses from the regulatory state. The FDP cultivated an openness towards both the left and the right halves of the political spectrum and traditionally worked as a majority maker for either the CDU/CSU or the SPD. Their association with the disastrous traffic light coalition government under Chancellor Olaf Scholz has all but destroyed them, and they are on track to receive their worst-ever election results tomorrow – even worse than their catastrophic showing (4.8%) in 2013. The FDP could really be finished, and they face a doubtful future as a minor West German party with almost no support across much of the East.

For 37 years – from 1961 until 1998 – the CDU/CSU, SPD and FDP constituted a closed political ecosystem within themselves. They excluded upstarts from national politics in much the same way as the they fight to exclude Alternative für Deutschland now. Two generations of West Germans grew up within this triptych and have a near-religious devotion to the traditional parties. This is why West German voters appear unable to make rational choices at the ballot box and continue to elect the CDU by the millions, however many times the Union parties betray them. Ironically, it is the instinctive conservatism of many Germans that has allowed the CDU to adopt an increasingly leftist agenda and to flirt with left-wing parties like the SPD and the Greens. Many older West Germans will vote for the CDU until they die, whatever the party does.

Reunification disturbed these old relationships, and the years since 1990 have seen the slow yet remorseless erosion of the traditional party system of Germany and the emergence of destabilising rivals. There are four of these, but 6) and 7) are the most important:

4) Die Linke, or the Left Party. The communist DDR was ruled by the Socialist Unity Party, or SED. After reunification, the SED rebranded itself as the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS). Separately, hard-left activists in the SPD, disenchanted by the centrist politics of SPD Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, formed the minor Labour and Social Justice Party (WASG) in 2005. Two years later, the PDS and the WASG merged to form Die Linke. They are basically a smaller post-communist opposition party that has never been in government. After the last elections in 2021, Die Linke appeared to be in its death throes, and when Sahra Wagenknecht (their most prominent politician) abandoned them to found her own Linke offshoot (the Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht, see just below), many including myself thought that Die Linke were done for. Not so! Thanks to a social media blitz masterminded by the abrasive Heidi Reichinnek and a tactical return to nuts-and-bolts socialist themes like affordable housing, Die Linke are surging in the polls and will perhaps come in as high 8% tomorrow. This is not altogether unexpected. In the Merkel era, Die Linke always hovered between 8% and 12% of the vote.

5) Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht, or the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW). The BSW is the newest of newcomers, founded in January 2024 by the erstwhile Linke politician Wagenknecht and tightly bound to her celebrity. The BSW is in many ways a party of the old left, combining a hard-line socialist agenda with worker-friendly migration restrictionism and an overarching demand for an end to the war in Ukraine and a cessation of weapons deliveries to the AFU. This combination of themes means that they have some appeal to both the right and the left, and in this respect they mimic something of the electoral strategy (but not the substance) of the FDP. Their anti-Atlanticism, however, works to subvert this superficial compatibility, and will likely disqualify them from any national coalition government. This paradox is easily explained: The objective purpose of the BSW, baked into them upon their founding, was to attract some portion of the Alternative für Deutschland vote in East Germany, enabling the traditional parties to form majority coalitions there without AfD involvement. In the end, BSW did draw some AfD votes, but they pulled support from other parties too. Their mission to make non-AfD majority coalitions has kind of panned out (in Thüringen and Brandenburg), and kind of not (in Saxony). Fulfilling this role has also soured many would-be supporters, and BSW are well down from their polling high of 10% last autumn. There is perhaps a 50% chance that they squeak over the 5% hurdle and return to the Bundestag, and their longer-term significance is highly uncertain beyond East Germany.

6) Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, or simply the Greens. I have written more than I ever should’ve about the Greens, and this party will be no great mystery to my readers. They were founded in West Germany in 1980, combining various new left movements that had no real home in the SPD. They were environmentalists, hard-line opponents of nuclear energy and peace activists, and in their earliest phase they were also infiltrated by DDR agents. Upon reunification, the Greens first melded with the East German Green Party, and then in 1993 they absorbed the East German Bündnis 90 (“Alliance 90”), which is why they sport this awkward name. Along the way the Greens were domesticated, or rather they domesticated themselves. They shed their anti-Atlanticist protest elements in favour of a new rabid Atlanticism, and the uncharitable would say that they left one notional foreign partner (the communist East) for another (the United States). They first entered government in a coalition with the SPD under Chancellor Schröder in 1998, and that marked their gradual promotion to the party of the German political elite. They have grown in social and cultural prominence as the SPD have declined, joining the three traditional parties to form the reigning four-party cartel system. The Greens are the party of the media, of intellectuals and of status-conscious urbanites everywhere. Their mostly well-off and oblivious voters have yet to feel serious economic pain, which is one reason the party demonstrates such resilience. They will probably come in at no more than 13% tomorrow, only slightly down from their 2021 showing of 14.8%. Barring economic catastrophe, the Greens enjoy a hard floor of 8-10% of the German electorate.

7) Alternative für Deutschland, or the AfD. In the wake of the 2008 Euro crisis, Angela Merkel repeatedly characterised unpopular countermeasures – whether bank nationalisations or financial aid for a beleaguered Greece – as “without alternative.” In response, a small group of disenchanted former CDU members founded Alternative for Germany in 2013 as a moderately Eurosceptic party opposed to the financial policies of the Eurozone. Merkel fed the AfD via her characteristic political strategy of asymmetric demobilisation, according to which she would preemptively adopt for herself the programme of the opposition (particularly of the Greens) to deny them campaign issues. Thus many of Merkel’s signature policies, from the nuclear phase-out to open borders, have a distinctive leftist flavour to them. As Merkel transformed the CDU into a standard European centre-right party, she left her right flank unguarded, and the AfD grew to fill this empty political space. The AfD political programme has accordingly expanded over time. You might think of the present AfD as consisting, very roughly, of three parts. There is the older market-liberal contingent, from which the present leadership hail. Separate from them is the nationalist contingent around figures like Björn Höcke in Thüringen and Maximilian Krah, who draw the greater part of the (disingenuous) Nazi accusations. Beyond the strict bounds of the party, meanwhile, is the Vorfeld, its “forefield” or “apron” – a loose group of activists, social media personalities and the like who skew younger, often have unapologetic nationalist tendencies and contribute much of its cultural energy. The AfD benefit from the self-destruction of the Union parties and also from the native working classes, who are leaving the SPD in droves. Tomorrow they will do better than they ever have before, with perhaps 21% of the vote.

From the first moments of the AfD’s existence – well before the nationalists ever appeared in their ranks – they have been branded as an extreme-right party, and the CDU have rigorously enforced a firewall against them, pledging that they will never achieve any legislative or governmental outcomes with AfD support. Merkel and the rest of the CDU leadership feared that any approach would legitimise the upstarts and set off mass defections to their rivals. These views still hold strong within CDU leadership, but a growing number of CDU members question the wisdom of this strategy.

If the German political landscape seems complicated, that is because the traditional parties have proven too inflexible to incorporate new political currents on the one hand, while nevertheless managing to survive on the loyalty of older German voters on the other hand. Since the late 1990s, the three mid-century parties have fused with the Greens to form a political cartel – one in which the Greens mostly set the agenda while the CDU positions itself to provide majorities. The Greens enjoy sufficient cultural power that they can influence the political agenda even if they find themselves in the opposition. You could say, with only slight exaggeration, that the cartel parties function as a single disorganised uniparty among themselves. Only the Greens and the AfD demonstrate any strategic aptitude and any interest in delivering to their voters.

Put another way: German politics presently hosts two different political systems in competition with each other. Against the cartel are arrayed the unincorporated upstarts (AfD above all, but also BSW and perhaps also Die Linke) who betoken a new politics that the establishment is fighting desperately to suppress. The firewall, originally conceived to contain CDU voters under Angela Merkel, has become the final defence against this new politics and the singular lynchpin of the cartel’s power. The most unusual feature of the present election is the support that the AfD have received from prominent Trumpist Americans like Elon Musk and J.D. Vance. The cartel parties, including the CDU, perceive this advocacy as a direct attack, and they have responded by doubling down on the firewall, because if and when it falls, German politics will change forever. Their sinecures, their grants, their activist organisations and eventually even much of their sympathetic media will disappear, as the SPD and especially the Greens lose their relevance at the national level and the Union parties enter a terminal decline.

Polls are now closed. Looks like the AfD didn’t quite make it to 21 percent.

The Digital Revolution: How it Started, How it’s Going

That Donald Trump will fail or betray his conservative white American supporters is a better bet than its opposite. But as it remains only a probability for now, at the moment I wish to praise him, maybe for the last time, for his under-appreciated destruction of “Barack Obama”—put in quotes here to indicate the failed psy-op and kulturkampf that we knew as “Barack Obama”, as opposed to just the enigmatic and opaque human kernel around which this propagandistic operation was built, the very human and very flawed Barack Obama. The public manipulation campaign “Barack Obama” was a covert revolution producing its own not-so-covert counter-revolution, Donald Trump’s “Maga”. The man whose epic rise set in motion this historical sequence still playing out, Barack Obama, was last seen slouching about the Kamala Harris campaign, noticeably diminished both physically and psychically, weakly slinging the rhetorical grenades about misogyny and black men with which his handlers had armed him before sending him out on—let’s hope for his sake—his last mission. Pity was the most charitable possible reaction and a stunning fall from grace was confirmed.

Needless to say I reject the charges that Obama controls the Biden Administration or the Democratic Party. I do not assign to him a sinister genius like many of his other detractors (an idea almost as silly as “Big Mike” and his giant penis), just as I never assigned to him the charismatic genius that his opponents and acolytes alike claimed back in the day, falling for the feel-good psychological operation that was “Barack Obama” in 2008 (were we ever that young?). Holding yourself apart from one of these domestic propaganda campaigns is all but impossible—one either falls under its spell or resists with effort; either way he’s manipulated and his rational self-interest derailed. And yes it is quite fitting that it was Obama who signed the repeal of the law against domestic propaganda.

My resentment of Obama is of another sort from those who see him as evil, and, yes, it is resentment I confess to, replete with the envy of the obscure man for the famous and celebrated man. Still, it resembles somewhat the resentment of Obama I see in Donald Trump, leading to his early opposition to the Obama presidency, long before the fateful escalator descent. From our wildly divergent vantages, one high one low, Trump and I both saw Barack Obama as a thorough-going fraud.

Donald Trump, who flirted with (and through others was flattered by) the idea of running for president his whole life, saw the mediocre and false Obama lifted on a wave of hysteria, and was affronted (both the obscure like me and the notable like Trump think the same thing when they see such a high-flying mediocrity: it should be me!)

And while Donald Trump may prove equally fraudulent, may have been equally fraudulent this whole time, I see in his political career human vanity working its traditional role as a confounding, random historical factor, in this case upsetting a meticulous, expertly constructed and massively funded operation in public manipulation:

Obama’s sudden rise in 2008 offends the vanity of Donald Trump, who then takes up the birther cause; this in turn offends Barack Obama (made megalomaniacal as he succumbs to the same propaganda directed on the public); Obama, along with his equally oblivious acolytes, indulges in a public humiliation ritual of Trump at the infamous and fateful National Press Club dinner; the traumatic experience compels Donald Trump to run for president in 2016; Trump wins and Obama’s revolution is derailed, his legacy in tatters; Obama’s last desperate foray against Trump on behalf of Kamala Harris—another token and fraud—end what remains of the Obama myth in a pathetic whimper. I wonder if it occurs to Obama or the masters of manipulation responsible for him, but it should: if only they had left Trump alone…

Trump, picking up on a crank conspiracy theory and setting out to expose Obama as a false citizen (as if his passive aggressive attitude toward the United States and its people would have been negated by legal status) exposed something more important, the false nature of his identity and the malice behind his myth.

“Obama is running the Democratic Party” is just more accidental cover for the people and money that actually run it. But none of this is really what I’ve come to talk about. Obama’s handlers took for granted a historical shift would be effected by young people on social media, and they further took for granted these young people would be doctrinaire in their leftist leanings and thus easily manipulated further, a willing herd.

I boarded this train of thought after reading this piece by David Samuels in Tablet:

Something big changed sometime after the year 2000 in the way we communicated with each other, and the means by which we absorbed new information and formed a working picture of the world around us. What changed can be understood as the effect of the ongoing transition from the world of 20th-century media to our current digital landscape. This once-every-five-centuries revolution would have large effects, ones we have only just begun to assimilate, and which have largely rendered the assumptions and accompanying social forms of the past century obsolete, even as tens of millions of people, including many who imagine themselves to reside near the top of the country’s social and intellectual pyramids, continue to imagine themselves to be living in one version or another of the long 20th century that began with the advent of a different set of mass communications technologies, which included the telegraph, radio, and film.

The time was ripe, in other words, for a cultural revolution—which would, according to the established patterns of American history, in turn generate a political one.

In 2008 things were still more in the old order than in the new. Old media was still in charge. Middle-aged columnists equated technological aptitude with use of email. Obama was presented as tech-savvy because of his attachment to his Blackberry. His campaign benefitted from its capture of Silicon Valley and held a clear advantage organizing via the internet. But nothing had really changed yet in how the public accesses and shares information. The old order still commanded the media heights, even if things seemed to move so much faster. “Print” was dying but the dynamics of top-down narrative control had yet to change, and even those who spoke of a new, democratic world of information took for granted this would pose no threat to the false idols of egalitarianism or any other means of control.

The new order was new, revolutionary, democratic, therefore benign and progressive-liberal. Wrongthink—about race, or Jewish power, or feminism—had so long been so effectively suppressed no one could imagine its resurgence via this youthful, technologically advanced—and thus “enlightened”—new order.

Most of the old guard—as they still do—saw nothing false about the contours of the post World War II order. And no one saw Trump coming.

What I did not imagine at the time was that Obama’s successor in the White House would not be Hillary Clinton but Donald Trump. Nor did I foresee that Trump would himself become the target of a messaging campaign that would make full use of the machine that Obama had built, along with elements of the American security state. Being physically inside the White House, it turned out, was a mere detail of power; even more substantial power lay in controlling the digital switchboard that Obama had built, and which it turned out he still controlled.

As I said already I don’t see Obama controlling anything, but Samuels’ point is correct: democracy, by electing Trump twice now, is in direct opposition to the powerful forces that now struggle to maintain control over information and opinion.

Samuels does not oppose top-down manipulation and control of opinion mind you. He cites approvingly Walter Lippman’s ideas about “manufacturing consent” (I learned by his article this was not originally Chomsky’s phrase but Lippman’s approving phrase for media control). In Lippman’s and Samuels’ view the right people would guide the dull mob to ensure order and continuity, if not by telling the truth then by creating a “metaphoric” facsimile of it:

What mattered here was no longer Lippmann’s version of “public opinion,” rooted in the mass audiences of radio and later television, which was assumed to correlate to the current or future preferences of large numbers of voters—thereby assuring, on a metaphoric level at least, the continuation of 19th-century ideas of American democracy, with its deliberate balance of popular and representational elements in turn mirroring the thrust of the Founders’ design. Rather, the newly minted digital variant of “public opinion” was rooted in the algorithms that determine how fads spread on social media, in which mass multiplied by speed equals momentum—speed being the key variable. The result was a fast-moving mirror world that necessarily privileges the opinions and beliefs of the self-appointed vanguard who control the machinery, and could therefore generate the velocity required to change the appearance of “what people believe” overnight.

Forget “democracy”, we should hedge our bets by having only a representation of representative government, “mirror[ing] the thrust of the founder’s design”. Samuels sees the problems as technical—the wrong algorithms. He laments a “self-appointed vanguard” using the speed and reach of the internet to manipulate opinion overnight.

Well that “vanguard” (more like the entrenched forces of old power than a revolutionary vanguard, but) still exists and still operates by creating (not finding) fads. Witness Brat Summer and the quick transformation of Kamala Harris from ridiculed Vice President to frontrunner by virtue of a media and internet full court press.

That sort of manipulation isn’t new, even if its dynamics and tools are different. What’s different is the popular and less controlled forces that defeated it and revealed the hoax portraying Kamala Harris as popular and capable.

To Samuels this probably looks like chaos. Samuels is struggling to here to lament what he can’t say outright: “we have lost control of the media.” Witness this week’s dustup between rootless billionaire weirdo Elon Musk and the populist element of Maga. If the populists lose this battle it won’t be because the forces of, yes, misinformation succeeded in creating the illusion of popular support for Musk’s position or of his position being in the national interest.

Trump and Musk will have to openly defy the popular will. It may not matter—they will get away with it—but it will not be able to mischaracterize it, because the consent part can no longer, at least here on the right, be manufactured. Musk failed in his effort to pose as a populist hero. While Trump has acquired his own “tech bro” faction, people seem to barely recall Silicon Valley’s role in the grand hoax that was “Barack Obama”; it was Silicon Valley that originally facilitated, as part of the Obama coalition, the “woke” revolution Musk makes a great show of opposing. Samuels:

The Obama Democratic Party (ODP) was a kind of balancing mechanism between the power and money of the Silicon Valley oligarchs and their New York bankers; the interests of bureaucratic and professional elites who shuttled between the banks and tech companies and the work of bureaucratic oversight; the ODP’s own sectarian constituencies, which were divided into racial and ethnic categories like “POC,” “MENA,” and “Latinx,” whose bizarre bureaucratic nomenclature signaled their inherent existence as top-down containers for the party’s new-age spoils system; and the world of billionaire-funded NGOs that provided foot-soldiers and enforcers for the party’s efforts at social transformation.

Obama campaigned on “change” but the only genuine change effected was the advent of woke rule and identity politics. Continuity reassuring to the elite reigned in the more substantial aspects of the world order: the wars raged on, Israel’s control over foreign policy continued, demographic and economic displacement continued apace. Another thing lost in this history I find amusing: Joe Biden was selected as Vice President to reassure a nervous elite that it could trust Obama, despite all the heady talk of “change”. What more conventional and pliable figure could they have found to sit co-pilot?

Samuels goes on to lament the woke revolution Obama wrought—very different from the revolutionary “change” he promised, as well as the serial hoaxes beginning with Russiagate, but it’s his obsession with the Iran nuclear deal, which, in his zionist interpretation, is self-evidently against US national interests somehow; he even sees the Iran deal as the first, formative campaign in the long war of misinformation against Trump

Having reported on the Iran deal made it easy to see that Russiagate was a political op, being run according to a similar playbook, by many of the same people. Familiarity with the Iran deal made it easy for reporters at Tablet, particularly Lee Smith, to see Russiagate as a fraud from the beginning, and to see through the methods by which the hallucination was being messaged by the mainstream press.

Samuels’ self-delusion or dishonesty thus works against the value we can draw from his otherwise useful analysis. But his combination of opposition to wokeness and a pro-Israel rightwing position is in line—maybe, maybe not deliberately—with a whole movement we’ve seen take off after Hamas’ October 7 attack. Indeed, Samuels’ own juxtaposition of a supposedly reckless Iran nuclear deal with the woke revolution and the war of misinformation against Trump wouldn’t survive the same critique he applies here generally. Unless of course you accept his apparent position that Israeli and US interests are one and the same.

I’ve written before about the post-October 7 campaign to bring the unruly Trump movement in line with pro-Israel and pro-Jewish sentiment by equating wokeness with opposition to Israeli genocide and “antisemitism”. This campaign reveals another aspect with Musk’s recent revelation as a pro-immigration extremist: his anti-woke pose works as if deliberately to lull immigration restrictionists into forfeiting their concerns and economic nationalism. Forget your displacement and join me in snickering at woke blue-hairs. I suggest not falling for it.

Don’t forget that Musk, while quick to tell you to “fuck yourself in the face” for daring to disagree with him on H1Bs, even to tell another oligarch “fuck you” regarding censorship, rolled over with a whimper when confronted by the ADL, and now combines censorship of disagreements over immigration with censorship of “antisemitism”.

Look for Musk to adopt the “woke right” angle of attack if he hasn’t already.

But hope remains. Despite Trump’s apparent alliance with Musk on H1Bs, his remarks were far from definitive, despite the New York Post’s characterization. Politics are about who gets betrayed. It’s entirely possible Trump can betray Musk before he betrays us.

But if and when Donald Trump betrays you he will have to do it openly, and he will have to weather the storm to follow. To repeat myself, the consent hasn’t been manufactured, and power—thanks to the irascible horde of conditional Trump supporters, the “subtards” and “antisemites”—can no longer front as if it’s doing anything other than defying popular will and national interest to appease money and greater power.

If Trump does in fact betray his base, let’s hope he has his own humiliating denouement a la Obama’s, at least.