Wednesday, June 23, 2010
We are moving
We are moving our blog to our new website. Over the next few days we hope to have everything done. This page will redirect automatically and the feeds have already been redirected. We hope you like the new website and blog that goes with it.
Tuesday, June 22, 2010
Sexually Aggressive Women
I was reading through a paper (Levine, K. L.(2006). No Penis, No Problem. Fordham Urban Law Journal, Emory Public Law Research Paper No. 05-37.) and wanted to post something from it that chips away at some of the stereotypes:
For example, in a large survey of college-aged women,109 while almost all of respondents had at some point initiated sexual contact with a male, their initiatives often were not benign. More than 30% of the subjects admitted getting their partners drunk or stoned to have sex, just under 30% admitted having taken advantage of a teenager, 28% admitted having threatened physical force, and about 25% admitted having obtained sex by abusing their position of authority.110
109 Peter B. Anderson, Women’s Motives for Sexual Initiation and Aggression, in SEXUALLY AGGRESSIVE WOMEN: CURRENT PERSPECTIVES AND CONTROVERSIES 79-93 (Peter B. Anderson and Cindy Struckman-Johnson eds., 1998). His sample was composed of 461 undergraduate women volunteers in New York,New Jersey, and New Orleans. All students were enrolled in courses on human sexuality. Id. at 87.
110 Id. at 88-89. Note that 20% admit having used physical force to get sex, and 9% admit using a weapon.
The last piece may surprise some. 20% admit having used physical force and 9% admit using a weapon.
For example, in a large survey of college-aged women,109 while almost all of respondents had at some point initiated sexual contact with a male, their initiatives often were not benign. More than 30% of the subjects admitted getting their partners drunk or stoned to have sex, just under 30% admitted having taken advantage of a teenager, 28% admitted having threatened physical force, and about 25% admitted having obtained sex by abusing their position of authority.110
109 Peter B. Anderson, Women’s Motives for Sexual Initiation and Aggression, in SEXUALLY AGGRESSIVE WOMEN: CURRENT PERSPECTIVES AND CONTROVERSIES 79-93 (Peter B. Anderson and Cindy Struckman-Johnson eds., 1998). His sample was composed of 461 undergraduate women volunteers in New York,New Jersey, and New Orleans. All students were enrolled in courses on human sexuality. Id. at 87.
110 Id. at 88-89. Note that 20% admit having used physical force to get sex, and 9% admit using a weapon.
The last piece may surprise some. 20% admit having used physical force and 9% admit using a weapon.
Friday, June 18, 2010
Sentencing of Male and Female Child Sex Offenders: Australian Study
I have received a few e-mails asking, in general, if there have been studies done on looking at sentencing male vs female sex offenders. In response here is one of the newest ones from Australia:
Sentencing of Male and Female Child Sex Offenders: Australian Study
Abstract
Research suggests that, in line with the chivalry hypothesis of female offending, a range of mitigatory factors such as mental health problems, substance abuse, and personal experiences of abuse are brought into play when women who offend against children are brought to trial. This is reflected in sentencing comments made by judges and in the sanctions imposed on the offenders, and as a result female offenders are treated differently to male offenders. The current study investigated this in an Australian context. Seven cases of female-perpetrated child sexual abuse were identified over a 6-year period through the Austlii database. Seven cases of male-perpetrated child sex abuse matched as far as possible to these were identified. Court transcripts were then located, and sentencing comments and sanctions imposed were analysed. All offenders were sentenced to imprisonment, but in general the women were more likely than the men to receive less jail time and lower non-parole periods because their personal backgrounds or situation at the time of the offending (i.e., difficulties with intimate relationship, male dependence issues, depression, loneliness and anger) were perceived as worthy of sympathy, and they were considered as likely to be rehabilitated. Further investigations are needed to support these findings.
Sentencing of Male and Female Child Sex Offenders: Australian Study
Abstract
Research suggests that, in line with the chivalry hypothesis of female offending, a range of mitigatory factors such as mental health problems, substance abuse, and personal experiences of abuse are brought into play when women who offend against children are brought to trial. This is reflected in sentencing comments made by judges and in the sanctions imposed on the offenders, and as a result female offenders are treated differently to male offenders. The current study investigated this in an Australian context. Seven cases of female-perpetrated child sexual abuse were identified over a 6-year period through the Austlii database. Seven cases of male-perpetrated child sex abuse matched as far as possible to these were identified. Court transcripts were then located, and sentencing comments and sanctions imposed were analysed. All offenders were sentenced to imprisonment, but in general the women were more likely than the men to receive less jail time and lower non-parole periods because their personal backgrounds or situation at the time of the offending (i.e., difficulties with intimate relationship, male dependence issues, depression, loneliness and anger) were perceived as worthy of sympathy, and they were considered as likely to be rehabilitated. Further investigations are needed to support these findings.
Wednesday, June 16, 2010
Huckaby/Cantu case
While Ms. Huckaby denies that she sexually assaulted the girl according to news reports:
STOCKTON - A newly released court document shows that Melissa Huckaby drugged her 8-year-old neighbor, Sandra Cantu, and sexually assaulted her with a rolling pin before stuffing her body into a suitcase and throwing it into a Tracy irrigation pond last year.
Sandra"s body was found with a blood-soaked cloth knotted into a noose, and her official cause of death was listed as "homicidal asphyxiation," according to court records that had previously been under gag order.
On April 6, after Sandra's body was found, police searched the church and found a rolling pin that had a bent handle and a smudge of blood later proven to be Sandra's. According to the court record, "there were injuries to the external genitalia which were consistent with the diameter of the rolling pin handles." The girl's family and church members said Sandra had never been in the church before. - Read the entire article here
I also think that she continues to try and minimize her actions with her denial and her comments that the little girl "did not suffer". Sadly this is also another case of a sexual offense being committed but not showing up in the statistics because of a plea bargain.
STOCKTON - A newly released court document shows that Melissa Huckaby drugged her 8-year-old neighbor, Sandra Cantu, and sexually assaulted her with a rolling pin before stuffing her body into a suitcase and throwing it into a Tracy irrigation pond last year.
Sandra"s body was found with a blood-soaked cloth knotted into a noose, and her official cause of death was listed as "homicidal asphyxiation," according to court records that had previously been under gag order.
On April 6, after Sandra's body was found, police searched the church and found a rolling pin that had a bent handle and a smudge of blood later proven to be Sandra's. According to the court record, "there were injuries to the external genitalia which were consistent with the diameter of the rolling pin handles." The girl's family and church members said Sandra had never been in the church before. - Read the entire article here
I also think that she continues to try and minimize her actions with her denial and her comments that the little girl "did not suffer". Sadly this is also another case of a sexual offense being committed but not showing up in the statistics because of a plea bargain.
Tuesday, June 15, 2010
Another Teacher/Student case
A few excerpts from the article on this case:
MARTINSBURG, W.Va. — A former Musselman High School teacher accused of having a sexual relationship with a 14-year-old male student last year pleaded guilty on Thursday in circuit court to one count of sexual abuse by a person of trust.
Stephanie Jo Walters, 28, of Hedgesville, W.Va., is scheduled to be sentenced on June 28 by 23rd Judicial Circuit Judge Gina M. Groh, who “reluctantly” accepted a binding plea agreement in an emotion-filled hearing.
At the onset of Thursday’s hearing, Groh indicated that she was not going to accept the plea because Walters did not appear to take full responsibility for her actions based on a letter the court had received.
Groh said Walters made statements in a letter to the court indicating Walters did not accept full responsibility for her actions, didn’t believe she needed treatment and also lashed out at Berkeley County Assistant Prosecuting Attorney Gregory Jones for being unfair to her.
“This is the worst response from a defendant (that wants probation) I believe that I have ever seen,” Groh said.
It is never a good sign when they blame others and refuse to take responsibility for their actions. And there was this piece about the teen:
Before his encounter with Walters in a janitor’s closet at the school last year, “he was totally a different child” who had lots of friends and was outgoing, the woman told Groh from the courtroom gallery.
Now, he just goes into his room, and his adoptive grandmother said she struggles to get him to go out and do anything. - Read the entire article here
MARTINSBURG, W.Va. — A former Musselman High School teacher accused of having a sexual relationship with a 14-year-old male student last year pleaded guilty on Thursday in circuit court to one count of sexual abuse by a person of trust.
Stephanie Jo Walters, 28, of Hedgesville, W.Va., is scheduled to be sentenced on June 28 by 23rd Judicial Circuit Judge Gina M. Groh, who “reluctantly” accepted a binding plea agreement in an emotion-filled hearing.
At the onset of Thursday’s hearing, Groh indicated that she was not going to accept the plea because Walters did not appear to take full responsibility for her actions based on a letter the court had received.
Groh said Walters made statements in a letter to the court indicating Walters did not accept full responsibility for her actions, didn’t believe she needed treatment and also lashed out at Berkeley County Assistant Prosecuting Attorney Gregory Jones for being unfair to her.
“This is the worst response from a defendant (that wants probation) I believe that I have ever seen,” Groh said.
It is never a good sign when they blame others and refuse to take responsibility for their actions. And there was this piece about the teen:
Before his encounter with Walters in a janitor’s closet at the school last year, “he was totally a different child” who had lots of friends and was outgoing, the woman told Groh from the courtroom gallery.
Now, he just goes into his room, and his adoptive grandmother said she struggles to get him to go out and do anything. - Read the entire article here
Friday, June 11, 2010
Irish Perspective on Female Sexual Offending
One of the studies recently added to the bibliography on http://www.female-offenders.com/ is:
Lambert, Sharon and Hammond, Sean (2009) "Perspectives on Female Sexual Offending in an Irish Context.," Irish Journal of Applied Social Studies: Vol. 9: Iss. 1, Article 9.
I would like to post a few pieces here:
A number of key findings emerged. With reference to the prevalence rates of female perpetrated child sexual abuse in Ireland it was surprising that such a large number of respondents reported having contact with the victims of female sexual abuse as this is not reflected in statistics of organisations such as those that fall under the Criminal Justice System. These were interesting findings as it illustrates that Ireland does have women who sexually abuse children and that a large number of victims have disclosed this abuse.
The findings from the section exploring the characteristics of female sexual abusers and their victims revealed that boys and girls are equally likely to be the victims and the abuse tends to be interfamilial. There are large discrepancies between studies. Many argue that in general girls are more likely to be the victims of female perpetuated sexual abuse. Rudin et al.’s (1995) comparative study of male and female sex offenders revealed that 62% of the female perpetrators’ victims were female. Faller’s (1987) study revealed that over 64% of the victims of female perpetrators were female. However, Faller’s (1995) study showed that 50% of her sample of female perpetrators had abused both male and female children, 40% had abused females only and 10% had abused males only.
Participants also supplied information regarding the relationship of the abuser to their victim. The current findings that the abuser was more likely to be related to the victim supports the current literature (Saradjian, 1996; Denov, 2004; Elliott, 1997). Allen’s (1991) comparative study of male and female offenders found that 70% of the female’s victims were immediate family members or close relatives, in comparison to 59% of the male offender’s victims. The Dublin Rape Crisis Centre (2005) reported that where a caller identified their offender as a female it was always a parent or other female relative.
The most significant finding in this section was the rating of typologies. Previous studies of professionals conclude that female abusers are more likely than male abusers to be classed as ‘mad’ or not in control of their behaviours (Hetherton, 1999). Others have argued that training of professionals about the issue would reduce this misconception (Bunting, 2005).
Interestingly, current typologies do not make reference to ‘sexual deviance’ in females but here it was rated higher than the labels of ‘teacher/lover’ and ‘male coerced’, two categories that dominate the typology literature. The category of ‘experimenter’ was also ranked quite highly. It is a problematic category for a number of reasons. If the abuser is labelled an ‘experimenter’ does it have an effect on how the seriousness of the behaviour is perceived and does this have implications for how the abuser is dealt with? In their study of professionals, Hetherton & Beardsall (1988) noted that female offending behaviours were classed as inappropriate as opposed to criminal and argue that this is due to an unwillingness to view female abusers as analogous to male abusers. These findings illustrate the need for debate and development of a new typology that incorporates the full scope of the different kinds of female abusers.
The participants in the current study have reflected Hetherton’s (1999) findings that abuse by females is perceived as less serious and thus difficult to detect. This has implications for current understandings of typologies and prevalence rates as the evidence suggests that this is a significantly under-reported and under-recognised problem. Other researchers have argued that attitudes of professionals also contribute to the lack of disclosures and under-recognition (Denov, 2001). A number of researchers have argued that victims of female sexual abusers have more difficulty disclosing, men are assumed to be the perpetrators and thus they feel a greater sense of stigma and isolation (Elliott, 1997; Denov, 2004).
It has been argued in the introduction that adopting an approach where the abuser is primarily viewed as a victim, is harmful to both the offenders and the victims. The minimisation of responsibility may have an effect on the type of treatment an offender may receive. In respect of the victim, minimisation in these cases makes them feel more isolated as the abuse they suffered is viewed as being not as serious as abuse perpetrated by males. The effects of this have been discussed in a study conducted by Denov (2004) who investigated victim’s experiences of disclosing female perpetrated abuse to professionals. Participants reported a number of negative responses including minimisation and disbelief.
Lambert, Sharon and Hammond, Sean (2009) "Perspectives on Female Sexual Offending in an Irish Context.," Irish Journal of Applied Social Studies: Vol. 9: Iss. 1, Article 9.
I would like to post a few pieces here:
A number of key findings emerged. With reference to the prevalence rates of female perpetrated child sexual abuse in Ireland it was surprising that such a large number of respondents reported having contact with the victims of female sexual abuse as this is not reflected in statistics of organisations such as those that fall under the Criminal Justice System. These were interesting findings as it illustrates that Ireland does have women who sexually abuse children and that a large number of victims have disclosed this abuse.
The findings from the section exploring the characteristics of female sexual abusers and their victims revealed that boys and girls are equally likely to be the victims and the abuse tends to be interfamilial. There are large discrepancies between studies. Many argue that in general girls are more likely to be the victims of female perpetuated sexual abuse. Rudin et al.’s (1995) comparative study of male and female sex offenders revealed that 62% of the female perpetrators’ victims were female. Faller’s (1987) study revealed that over 64% of the victims of female perpetrators were female. However, Faller’s (1995) study showed that 50% of her sample of female perpetrators had abused both male and female children, 40% had abused females only and 10% had abused males only.
Participants also supplied information regarding the relationship of the abuser to their victim. The current findings that the abuser was more likely to be related to the victim supports the current literature (Saradjian, 1996; Denov, 2004; Elliott, 1997). Allen’s (1991) comparative study of male and female offenders found that 70% of the female’s victims were immediate family members or close relatives, in comparison to 59% of the male offender’s victims. The Dublin Rape Crisis Centre (2005) reported that where a caller identified their offender as a female it was always a parent or other female relative.
The most significant finding in this section was the rating of typologies. Previous studies of professionals conclude that female abusers are more likely than male abusers to be classed as ‘mad’ or not in control of their behaviours (Hetherton, 1999). Others have argued that training of professionals about the issue would reduce this misconception (Bunting, 2005).
Interestingly, current typologies do not make reference to ‘sexual deviance’ in females but here it was rated higher than the labels of ‘teacher/lover’ and ‘male coerced’, two categories that dominate the typology literature. The category of ‘experimenter’ was also ranked quite highly. It is a problematic category for a number of reasons. If the abuser is labelled an ‘experimenter’ does it have an effect on how the seriousness of the behaviour is perceived and does this have implications for how the abuser is dealt with? In their study of professionals, Hetherton & Beardsall (1988) noted that female offending behaviours were classed as inappropriate as opposed to criminal and argue that this is due to an unwillingness to view female abusers as analogous to male abusers. These findings illustrate the need for debate and development of a new typology that incorporates the full scope of the different kinds of female abusers.
The participants in the current study have reflected Hetherton’s (1999) findings that abuse by females is perceived as less serious and thus difficult to detect. This has implications for current understandings of typologies and prevalence rates as the evidence suggests that this is a significantly under-reported and under-recognised problem. Other researchers have argued that attitudes of professionals also contribute to the lack of disclosures and under-recognition (Denov, 2001). A number of researchers have argued that victims of female sexual abusers have more difficulty disclosing, men are assumed to be the perpetrators and thus they feel a greater sense of stigma and isolation (Elliott, 1997; Denov, 2004).
It has been argued in the introduction that adopting an approach where the abuser is primarily viewed as a victim, is harmful to both the offenders and the victims. The minimisation of responsibility may have an effect on the type of treatment an offender may receive. In respect of the victim, minimisation in these cases makes them feel more isolated as the abuse they suffered is viewed as being not as serious as abuse perpetrated by males. The effects of this have been discussed in a study conducted by Denov (2004) who investigated victim’s experiences of disclosing female perpetrated abuse to professionals. Participants reported a number of negative responses including minimisation and disbelief.
Tuesday, June 8, 2010
Female Sex Offenders: A Controlled Comparison
Another recent study added to http://www.female-offenders.com/ is this one:
Female Sex Offenders: A Controlled Comparison of Offender and Victim/Crime Characteristics
Abstract The current study was a chart review of 31 female sex offenders (FSO), 31 male sex offenders (MSO), 31 female violent offenders (FO), and 31 male violent offenders (MO) using a 2 (female or male) by 2 (sex or violent offender) design. This is the first known study to employ three control groups when researching female sex offenders. Multiple variables appeared related to gender and crime. However, some variables emerged as FSO specific. They reported the least alcohol abuse history and had fewer admissions of guilt to the crime than the two violent offender samples. More FSOs knew their victim and were biologically related to their victim than MSOs. Lastly, the FSO sample was the least discriminating as to their victim’s gender and had the highest overall rate of sexual victimization.
It is interesting what this small study found that was FSO specific. Fewer admissions of guilt, knew their victims and were biologically related to their victims more than MSO's and was the least discriminating as to their victim's gender. This may be one of reasons, but not the only one, why offenses by FSO's are so under reported, even more so than offenses by MSO's.
Female Sex Offenders: A Controlled Comparison of Offender and Victim/Crime Characteristics
Abstract The current study was a chart review of 31 female sex offenders (FSO), 31 male sex offenders (MSO), 31 female violent offenders (FO), and 31 male violent offenders (MO) using a 2 (female or male) by 2 (sex or violent offender) design. This is the first known study to employ three control groups when researching female sex offenders. Multiple variables appeared related to gender and crime. However, some variables emerged as FSO specific. They reported the least alcohol abuse history and had fewer admissions of guilt to the crime than the two violent offender samples. More FSOs knew their victim and were biologically related to their victim than MSOs. Lastly, the FSO sample was the least discriminating as to their victim’s gender and had the highest overall rate of sexual victimization.
It is interesting what this small study found that was FSO specific. Fewer admissions of guilt, knew their victims and were biologically related to their victims more than MSO's and was the least discriminating as to their victim's gender. This may be one of reasons, but not the only one, why offenses by FSO's are so under reported, even more so than offenses by MSO's.
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