50 years on 112

11 02 2026

ImageThe Bangkok Post reports that  Pruttikorn “Ton Pai” Sarakul, 43, a former company employee, has been convicted of posting 10 anti-monarchy comments on social media and sentenced to 30 years in prison — three years for each post — under Article 112.

The Criminal Court in Bangkok handed down the sentence on 10 February 2026.

That sentence means that Ton Pai has now accumulated a 112 sentence of 50 years.

The defendant was not present in court for the reading and a warrant has been issued for his arrest.

His earlier sentencing was for Facebook posts, while the one handed down most recently was for Twitter posts deemed critical of the monarchy between November 2021 and March 2022.

The complaints against him “were brought by Special Branch police officers who had been monitoring anti-monarchy content online. The charges were laid following investigations by the Cyber ​​Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB).”





112 adds to People’s Party woes

9 02 2026

ImageThe election result that gave a landslide to the nationalist and royalist conservatives from Buriram delivered blows to the People’s Party while also punishing Puea Thai and the Democrats. As well as Bhum Jai Thai, the big winners were Kla Tham, a party owned by former heroin trafficker and master of grey money, Thammanat Prompao. In other words, the nationalist and royalist conservatives are likely to form another gangster coalition government.

That news was bad enough for the mildly progressive People’s Party but has been compounded today by the unanimous decision of the politicized National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) that 44 former lawmakers from the dissolved Move Forward Party, many of them now in the People’s Party, “committed serious ethical violations over their role in proposing amendments to the Criminal Code’s Section 112, the lese-majeste law…”.

Their “ethical violation” was “committed” in February 2021. Then, Pita Limjaroenrat, leader of the Move Forward Party, “submitted a package of bills to parliament signed by 44 party MPs. The proposals included legislation to protect freedom of expression and rights in the justice process, as well as amendments to Section 112.” That is, they were seeking to supporting to protect human rights through proper and legal debate in parliament.

If the Supreme Court accepts the case, and there is absolutely no reason why it won’t, these 44 former and some recently re-elected lawmakers will be found guilty of daring to propose debate on a article of the Criminal Code that comes under the jurisdiction of parliament.

But for the ultra-royalist establishment, amending Article 112 is now perceived as a dire threat to the whole royalist edifice that has delivered them political, economic and social power. Legally, it is nonsensical to punish MPs for following parliamentary procedure, but that matters not a jot to the royalists.

 

 





No election bail for political prisoners

8 02 2026

Lawyers from Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) on 30 January 2026 “requested bail for 15 people detained pending trial or appeal so they can vote in the 8 February general election and constitutional reform referendum.”

As is expected, a politicized judiciary refused all requests from these political detainees, with the Appeals and Supreme Courts claiming, “there was no reason to change existing orders and the detainees posed flight risks.”

The bail requests were made for individuals detained for infractions under Articles 110 and 112, violating the Computer Crimes Act, and for offenses related to the 2021 Din Daeng intersection protests.

Currently, “detainees are not allowed to vote and being denied bail effectively denies them the right to political participation – a damage which cannot be remedied.” The lawyers argued that:

granting them bail would not only protect their fundamental constitutional rights and freedoms, but also show that the courts adhere to the principle that those accused of crimes remain innocent until proven guilty.

The detainees included Arnon Nampa. He wrote that the “2017 Constitution has many flaws and said that he “wants to vote in favour of a new constitution in the upcoming referendum because he feels that this is the only means by which true democracy can be peacefully established in Thailand.” He added:

I call on the courts of justice to be a part of this change, to use your power to release me and all political prisoners so we can vote to amend the whole constitution … it is our intention to change the society so it is more democratic, so that the next generation born on this land will not have to fight and face the same repression that we and the younger generation are facing now.





112 and the referendum

7 02 2026

ImagePrachatai has a comprehensive post on the “misinformation and fearmongering” that is “conservative rhetoric against constitutional reform.” It also underpins election campaigning by the conservatives and their allies who have managed to devise a political system and abetted a social and economic system that have run the country into the ground in the name of the monarchy.

One claim is that approving the referendum question is somehow likely to make Thailand a republic. In concocting this mad claim, the ultra-nationalists and ultra-monarchists ignore the fact that this referendum is a first step in a long process of two more referenda and parliamentary and public debate. By playing the monarchy card on the referendum, they are throwing more fuel on the simmering fire of anti-monarchism that they have built to bring down even the timidly progressive People’s Party.

The quite bizarre Somchai Sawangkarn is quoted as making up a story that “voting yes in the referendum would be a blank cheque for drafters to write anything, including making the country a socialist regime or be governed by a president.” Such fake drivel spreads widely through the conservative social media cess pool.

These malarkey makers also slither over into the 112 issue:

Accusations of treason and of wanting to overthrow the monarchy, of course, come as a package. Both are based on the same fears and the same logic which leads to the idea that there is a hidden agenda behind the call for a new constitution despite numerous restrictions to the drafting process.

The article quotes a survey of social media posts showing “that many netizens believe that … Section 112 of the Criminal Code … is part of the Constitution, and that writing a new constitution means Section 112 would also be rewritten.” This is misunderstanding based on conservative lies.

Of course, critical or even reasonable domestic reporting of the position of 112 in the election and referendum has been limited. To fill this yawning gap, Time has a really useful intervention, even if the headline is subject to misinterpretation: as Prachatai shows, 112 hasn’t been sidelined, just manipulated by the crown’s clowns. But the headline is right if interpreted as seeing the wave of popular reformism, including monarchy reform, has waned under the weight of repression and lawfare. Yet as the story says, “even after years of the government and judiciary cracking down on dissent, many Thais still yearn for a new, more democratic direction.”

 

The article rightly shows how the “interpretation” of the lese majeste law has broadened. That is all about repression and stopping any kind of meaningful reform. “Rule of law” is what the higher-ups want law to be: a hammer for cracking reformist hearts and heads.

 

And, it seems, a way to prevent reform through the ballot box.

 





Class and the election II

6 02 2026

A previous post was about where a deeper analysis of the crisis that underpins the upcoming election. A reader points out that while it is not a class-based discussion, the Financial Times produced a passable analysis of Thailand’s crisis. It is paywalled, The Nation has an account. Decline, stagnation, manufacturing stalled, and a decade of decay.

There’s no real effort to get to the underlying reasons for this, but “thank” the ruling class that brought all of this in an effort to stop reform. Another politics-focused account puts it this way: “the foundational issue persists: the functional class divide between the rural and the urban, with the kingdom always under the thumb of the elite classes and their military enforcers.”

It adds:

The Thai state, established on the foundations of big capitalists, the military and the monarchy after WWII was a conscious anti-peasant, anti-worker, and anti-communist project led by the United States and colonial powers at the onset of the Cold War. This led to the formation of a tight cabal of the deep state powers, the big capitalists, the military, and the monarchy – against the progressive and revolutionary forces within the Kingdom….

Today, the current state of affairs allows the deep state to potentially orchestrate a coup without a coup as the non-military organs of the Thai state -judiciary and the bureaucracy – have been captured.Image

In another Tricontinental Asia article, the 2026 election is described as a contest between Puea Thai’s “disruptive populism, the liberal Peoples Party’s westernised idealism, and Bhumjaithai Party’s reactionary clientelism.” While the article seeks a class analysis based in a somewhat crude dependency theory depiction of a bipolar world (Global North/Global South), this leads it to plump for Puea Thai’s “disruptive populism,” harking back a decade, to champion the party’s tangible results for the poor and working classes.

We don’t find any of this analysis wholly convincing, but at least the narrative is broader than the latest opinion poll.





Pomp and the taxpayer

5 02 2026
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Self-crowned

The Bangkok Post recently editorialized that pomp and ceremony are inefficient and unnecessary, declaring that Bangkok governor Chadchart Sittipunt shows how “when leaders prioritise pragmatism over pageantry, the public wins.” Chadchart, it says, “has captured the public imagination, weary of superfluous bureaucratic fanfare.” His understated approach to getting things done “demonstrates a profound respect for both time and taxpayer money.”

The editorial concludes: “It is time for the rest of the bureaucracy to step up and adopt this new normal. Stop the pomp and start showing results.”

Of course, a place to begin with this better respect for taxpayer funds and the elimination of unnecessary ceremony cannot be mentioned. The monarchy guzzles taxpayer funds to propagandize for itself in thousands of ceremonies that are full of pomp but mostly pompous and enforced upon the citizenry.

 





Class and the election I

3 02 2026

We are late getting to the World Socialist Web Site’s article on the 2026 election. The article’s Marxist perspective means it attempts a broad perspective on the run-up to the election based on a light-touch class analysis. This kind of discussion has been sorely lacking as attention has been sucked into seat counting and popularity contests.

Yet as the article says, the “February 8 general election highlights the political crisis facing the ruling class. None of the major bourgeois parties expects to secure a parliamentary majority…”.

Part of the reason for this is that “the parliamentary apparatus has become increasingly discredited. That discrediting in recent years is because in “the eyes of broad layers of workers and youth, there has been a succession of betrayals since the last election.”

That includes by the People’s Party, the only party that is even remotely reformist. The party’s leadership has “lamely accepted the authority of the courts, the military and the monarchy-linked establishment. The party repeatedly pledged its commitment to “stability” and the capitalist order, even as it was dismantled.”

But what are the underlying class interests involved? Why has reformism been abandoned?

The article comes up short of these fundamental questions. It does point out that Thailand’s “ruling class faces a new political crisis as the next government will be compelled to preside over a program of austerity and rising social tensions, all compounded by the global geo-political instability…”. But why?Image

PPT isn’t able to provide a deep analysis of these fundamental questions – and nor do we see much academic research attention to such questions – but such research might begin by looking at the increased monopolization of the barely expanding economy where years of military rule and kowtowing to the Sino-Thai tycoons. This has fractured the capitalist class, with the tycoons gorging and other capitalists getting the dregs of an economy that has industrially hollowed out.

A rapidly aging working class and struggling small farm sector means that a second industrial (and technological) “revolution” is unlikely. This represents a failure of the ruling class that has the monarchy as its keystone – and spends a fortune in taxpayer money propping it up – and its incapacity for self-renovation. That incapacity is also seen in politics, where its military designed a system that is stagnant and corrupt.

ImageTellingly, accumulation strategies have become focused on the state and grey money. State infrastructure projects are milked to such an extent that buildings and other infrastructure collapse. Corruption in the bureaucracy is massive as senior positions are traded like commodities or top appointments are made on orders from the very top. Scams are reported on non-stop, but because this grey money is stupendous, is relatively “easy money” and requires state and political accommodation, it is never-ending. It undermines government, crushes the poor and repositions the capitalist class’s gaze to illegal activities. Yes, we know that this has often been the case in the past, but this time it is massive and overwhelms economy, society and politics. It has probably been the source of the huge spending on the election.

After the election, the ruling class must caucus to decide what it wants. That will be no easy task, and another coup cannot be ruled out if it or at least its topmost movers and shakers decide that would be the way out. Whatever they decide, the people will suffer and the capitalist class will not find a way out of the economic malaise.





The constitution matters

2 02 2026

Thai Enquirer reports that pro-democracy activist and human rights lawyer Arnon Nampa has “petitioned the Criminal Court for temporary release on bail so he could vote in an upcoming general election and a referendum on amending the constitution.”

Arnon’s submission was a political statement:

ImageHe argued that constitutional amendment is the only peaceful path to a fully democratic system and said approving changes reflects the will of the people. He urged the court to allow his release to exercise his voting rights and said he would accept any conditions imposed.

Arnon has been jailed for three years mostly for Article 112 convictions and “is serving combined prison sentences of more than 29 years over past protests and still faces three pending cases…”.

It is not stated whether the court has yet proclaimed its response, but given its persistent rejection of bail applications and the court’s anti-democratic proclivities, Arnon’s submission is more or less ensured to be rejected.





The party of gangsters and leeches and Article 112

1 02 2026

The Nation reports that Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul has pledged that the Bhum Jai Thai Party, is committed “to protecting Thailand’s sovereignty and monarchy.”

He emphasized his steadfast position on defending the monarchy, saying, “We will protect our royal institution with our lives. There will never be any change to the lese-majesty law, Section 112, or any amendment to the constitution that jeopardises our monarchy.”

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The People’s Party, which has said it will not change Article 112, responded on Anutin’s effort to spur jingosit voting, sensed electoral desperation, with Rangsiman Rome, the party’s deputy leader “saying that true patriotism means not cheating the nation.”

Rangsiman seems on the money. Anutin’s gangster party is full of bloodsucking leeches who will do anything for bags of taxpayer-funded  loot. That said, his party should continue to consider 112 as a bad law that needs to be changed.





Sindhu gets 3 years on 112

28 01 2026

ImageOn 28 October 2024, Sindhu (pseudonym), then a 28-year-old salesman, was sentenced to three years in prison for a comment that was made on a Facebook page. The sentence was reduced to two years, without suspension.

He was granted bail for an appeal.

On 27 January 2026, the Appeals Court amended that initial sentence by suspending it for three years. It did this because of his young age, he should be given a second chance, provided that he performs activities in honor of the king. The reports do not make clear who chooses the activities.

Initially the charges were under Article 112 and computer crimes laws were for allegedly writing a comment that was defamatory of the king and the queen.

As is common, the complaint against Sindhu was filed by an ultra-royalist. In this instance it was Songchai Niamhom, a self-appointed leader of the tiny King Protection Group, that operates in the southern provinces.

In a strange case before the police and then the Criminal Court in Phatthalung, more than 1000km from where he resided, Sindhu was indicted in June 2022. The page, The MelaengtaD, posted a picture of the king and queen with a message saying that all the annual amount of money they received from the government was always returned to the people: “The King and Queen have never received a salary or received an annual payment of 60 million baht from the government. All money is returned to the people. every baht, every satang.”

The “investigation” alleged that Sindhu was the account owner and it said he posted a response:  “saving money to put in your mouth after your death…”.

Sidhu admitted that he was the account’s owner but testified that he could not access the account and was not the one who wrote the comment.

In what would normally be assumed to be a problem for the prosecutor, a Technology Crime Suppression Division investigation stated that the comment was not found. A cyber security expert testified that the original post’s URL and that of the comment were not aligned with each other.

However, the court was not convinced by Sindhu’s testimony, saying that he had no evidence to prove his testimony. The court also found that the content of the comment was intended to insult the two royals, despite there being no evidence of the post.

Also untroubled by this, the Appeals Court concurred on his “guilt.”