Intelligence Assessment Report: Iranian Cyber Warfare Capability Degradation Amid the 2026 Conflict
March 16th 2026
Executive Assessment
The ongoing conflict involving Iran, the United States, and Israel has produced a significant degradation of Iran’s civilian internet infrastructure and a partial disruption of its domestic digital ecosystem. However, available technical indicators suggest that Iran’s core telecommunications backbone remains operational at the routing layer, enabling the state to preserve a limited but functional digital command environment. As a result, while Iran’s cyber warfare capability has likely been impaired in several operational dimensions, it has not been eliminated.
Public internet connectivity inside Iran has collapsed to extremely low levels. Monitoring organizations report that national connectivity fell to approximately 1 percent of normal traffic levels, indicating that nearly all civilian users have lost reliable access to the global internet. This near-total shutdown has dramatically reduced ordinary outbound traffic and commercial network activity. Despite the collapse in user connectivity, routing telemetry shows that several major Iranian telecommunications networks continue to originate prefixes and maintain upstream connectivity in global BGP tables. This pattern indicates that Iran’s national internet infrastructure has not been physically or logically disconnected from the global internet, but instead appears to be operating under a selective access model in which only approved networks and services retain external connectivity.
The persistence of routing announcements from key Iranian backbone networks suggests that the state retains sufficient connectivity to sustain government communications, maintain telecommunications control infrastructure, and potentially support offensive cyber operations. Consequently, the most accurate assessment is that Iran’s cyber warfare capacity has been degraded but remains operational.
Operational Environment
The broader strategic environment surrounding the conflict has placed extraordinary strain on Iran’s national infrastructure and governing institutions. Sustained military operations, including strikes on strategic facilities and logistical networks, have compounded long-standing economic pressures and intensified regional instability. At the same time, the psychological and administrative demands of managing a wartime posture have forced the Iranian government to prioritize regime stability, information control, and the protection of critical state systems. Within this environment of kinetic conflict and geopolitical uncertainty, Iran’s digital landscape has undergone a rapid and profound transformation.
One of the most visible manifestations of this shift has been the collapse of ordinary internet connectivity across the country. Network monitoring platforms that track global traffic flows observed a dramatic decline in Iranian outbound traffic during the escalation of hostilities. At several points during the blackout period, measurements suggested that the volume of traffic leaving Iranian networks approached near-zero levels. For the vast majority of the population, the practical effect has been a near-total severance from the global internet. Civilian users have lost access to foreign news sources, communication platforms, and cloud services, while businesses that depend on international connectivity have experienced severe operational disruptions. Universities and research institutions, which rely heavily on cross-border academic networks and digital resources, have likewise been isolated from the global research environment. In practical terms, the Iranian public sphere has been digitally enclosed within the country’s borders.

Yet beneath this apparent collapse of connectivity, the technical indicators present a more complex picture of Iran’s network state. While public traffic has all but disappeared, routing telemetry shows that several key Iranian telecommunications entities continue to maintain a presence within the global internet’s routing architecture. Major infrastructure providers—including the Telecommunication Infrastructure Company, the Iran Information Technology Company, and a number of large domestic internet service providers—remain visible in international routing tables and continue to originate IP address prefixes. The persistence of these announcements indicates that Iran’s international gateway infrastructure has not been fully withdrawn from the global network. Instead, the fundamental routing relationships that connect Iran’s backbone networks to foreign carriers remain in place.
This contrast between the near-total disappearance of public internet activity and the continued visibility of backbone routing announcements is analytically significant. If Iran had executed a full disconnection from the global internet—such as withdrawing routes from border gateways or disabling international transit entirely—these networks would largely vanish from global routing tables. The fact that they remain present suggests that the country’s telecommunications infrastructure is still technically connected to the broader internet, even though most users cannot reach it.
The most plausible interpretation of this pattern is that Iranian authorities have implemented a highly restrictive traffic control regime rather than a complete network shutdown. In such a configuration, routing announcements continue to propagate globally, preserving the structural connectivity of the national network, while internal filtering mechanisms strictly regulate which systems are permitted to exchange traffic with external networks. Through the use of centralized gateways, firewall policies, and selective routing rules, the state can effectively allow-list certain categories of traffic while blocking the vast majority of ordinary communications.
Under this model, the Iranian government retains the ability to maintain connectivity for critical institutions even as it denies access to the broader population. Government ministries, telecommunications management systems, state media organizations, and financial infrastructure can continue to operate with external network access when necessary. Diplomatic communications, international financial transactions, and certain strategic digital operations may therefore remain viable despite the broader blackout. Meanwhile, the civilian internet environment remains tightly constrained, limiting the population’s ability to communicate with external audiences, access foreign information sources, or coordinate digitally during a period of conflict.
In effect, the Iranian state appears to have transformed the country’s internet environment into a controlled wartime communications network. The architecture of connectivity remains intact at the backbone level, but access to that architecture has been selectively restricted. This approach allows the government to balance two competing priorities: preserving the operational integrity of critical national systems while simultaneously suppressing the uncontrolled information flows that typically accompany an open internet during periods of political and military crisis.
Structure of Iran’s Network Control
Iran’s national internet infrastructure is built around a highly centralized architecture in which the majority of international connectivity passes through a small number of state-controlled telecommunications entities. At the center of this system is the Telecommunication Infrastructure Company (TIC), the government-operated organization responsible for managing the country’s international gateways and overseeing much of the backbone connectivity that links Iran to the global internet. Rather than allowing dozens of independent carriers to interconnect freely with foreign networks, Iran’s connectivity model concentrates international traffic flows into a tightly controlled set of gateway networks. These gateways act as strategic chokepoints through which nearly all inbound and outbound data must pass before reaching foreign transit providers.
This structural design gives Iranian authorities a powerful mechanism for regulating national connectivity. Because external traffic is funneled through a limited number of controlled gateways, the government can influence the country’s entire internet posture by adjusting policies at only a handful of network nodes. Through techniques such as routing policy manipulation, traffic filtering, deep packet inspection, and bandwidth throttling, operators can shape or restrict data flows at the border of the national network without requiring the physical disconnection of the country’s underlying infrastructure. In effect, the centralized topology functions as a form of digital border control, enabling the state to determine what types of traffic are permitted to cross between Iran’s internal networks and the broader global internet.

Within this framework, the Iranian government can pursue a strategy of selective connectivity rather than total disconnection. Routing announcements may continue to propagate globally, preserving the appearance of an operational network at the routing layer, while traffic rules within the gateway infrastructure determine which systems are actually permitted to exchange data with external networks. By maintaining these announcements, the core telecommunications backbone remains technically integrated into the global internet, ensuring that critical institutional networks retain the ability to communicate internationally when required.
At the same time, the state can block or severely restrict traffic associated with ordinary users. Residential broadband networks, commercial internet service providers, universities, and private businesses can effectively be cut off from the outside world even though the backbone routes that serve them continue to exist. The result is a layered connectivity environment in which only certain trusted or strategically important networks remain externally reachable. Government ministries, telecommunications control systems, financial infrastructure, and other priority institutions can continue to operate, while the broader population experiences what appears to be a complete internet outage.
The current wartime blackout appears consistent with this model of centralized control. Although the visible effects resemble a nationwide internet shutdown, the underlying routing data indicates that the national backbone has not disappeared from the global internet. Instead, the evidence suggests that authorities are actively regulating traffic flows at the gateway level, permitting only a narrow set of approved communications while suppressing the vast majority of outbound and inbound connections. This approach allows the government to maintain operational communications for state institutions while simultaneously limiting the circulation of information among the population and restricting the ability of citizens to communicate with audiences outside the country.
Such tactics are not unprecedented in Iran’s information control strategy. The government has previously implemented similar measures during periods of domestic unrest, particularly during large-scale protests or politically sensitive events. During those episodes, authorities temporarily restricted or throttled international connectivity while preserving the functionality of internal networks and state services. What distinguishes the present situation is the scale and duration of the restrictions. The current disruption appears far more comprehensive than previous shutdowns, reflecting both the pressures of an active military conflict and the regime’s heightened concern about information flows during wartime.
Taken together, the centralized structure of Iran’s internet infrastructure and the state’s demonstrated willingness to manipulate connectivity provide a clear explanation for the present blackout conditions. Rather than a simple technical failure or the unintended consequence of infrastructure damage, the evidence points toward a deliberate strategy in which connectivity is selectively managed to protect state interests while limiting the population’s access to the global information environment.
Iranian Internet Backbone Status: ASN Connectivity Assessment
Routing telemetry and ASN reconnaissance provide an additional layer of insight into the operational state of Iran’s national internet infrastructure during the current wartime blackout. While civilian internet access inside the country has collapsed to near-zero levels, analysis of global BGP routing tables indicates that several major Iranian autonomous systems (ASNs) continue to advertise IP address space and remain visible within the global internet routing ecosystem. These findings reinforce the conclusion that Iran’s international backbone infrastructure remains technically operational despite the severe restrictions imposed on public connectivity.
Autonomous systems represent the fundamental routing domains through which internet traffic is exchanged between networks. Each ASN corresponds to a network operator—such as a telecommunications provider, government institution, or large organization that controls a block of IP address space and exchanges routes with other networks through the Border Gateway Protocol (BGP). Monitoring the presence or absence of these ASN route announcements provides a reliable indicator of whether a country’s backbone infrastructure remains connected to the global internet.
| ASN | Operator (English) | Operator (Farsi) | Network Role | Likely State / Military Use |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| AS12880 | Iran Information Technology Company (ITC) | شرکت فناوری اطلاعات ایران | National backbone routing, IP address management | Core infrastructure supporting government networks, national routing control |
| AS48159 | Telecommunication Infrastructure Company (TIC) | شرکت ارتباطات زیرساخت | Primary international gateway operator | Central international internet gateway used by state agencies and national telecom |
| AS58224 | Iran Telecommunication Company | شرکت مخابرات ایران | Major domestic telecom carrier | Civilian telecom, but also backbone connectivity for government institutions |
| AS31549 | Arya Rasana Tadbir | آریا رسانه تدبیر | Data center and hosting provider | Potential hosting for government services and controlled infrastructure |
| AS42337 | Respina Networks | شبکه رسپینا | Enterprise ISP and backbone connectivity | Corporate networks, some state enterprise infrastructure |
| AS201691 | Pars Online | پارس آنلاین | Major consumer ISP | Civilian network access, possibly filtered during blackout |
| AS44244 | IranCell Telecommunications | ایرانسل | Mobile telecom provider | Civilian mobile data networks, possibly restricted during wartime blackout |
| AS197207 | Mobinnet | مبین نت | Wireless ISP | Domestic broadband services |
| AS203207 | Fanava Group | فنآوا | Telecom and infrastructure provider | Government and enterprise communications networks |
| AS20511 | Afagh Andish Dadeh Pardis | آفاق اندیش داده پردیس | ISP / infrastructure provider | Regional connectivity and enterprise services |
| AS25184 | Afranet | افرانت | Data services and ISP | Hosting infrastructure and cloud services |
| AS34362 | Pishgaman Tejarat Sayar | پیشگامان تجارت سیار | ISP and infrastructure provider | Regional connectivity networks |
| AS64413 | Iranian Research Organization for Science and Technology | سازمان پژوهشهای علمی و صنعتی ایران | Academic and research network | Universities, research institutes, strategic research communications |
| AS41881 | Fanap Telecommunications | فناپ تلکام | Data center and network infrastructure | Financial networks and enterprise infrastructure |
| AS48434 | Asiatech | آسیاتک | ISP and hosting provider | Enterprise hosting and network infrastructure |
One of the most significant Iranian networks observed to remain active in global routing tables is AS12880, operated by the Iran Information Technology Company (ITC). This network, which has been active for more than two decades, continues to advertise multiple IPv4 prefixes and maintains peering relationships with other networks. (bgp.tools)
The continued visibility of this ASN suggests that critical elements of Iran’s national telecommunications backbone remain operational and capable of exchanging traffic with external networks.
AS12880 is widely understood to play a central role within Iran’s internet architecture. The Iran Information Technology Company functions as one of the principal state-controlled organizations responsible for national internet infrastructure, including backbone routing and the management of large segments of Iranian IP address space. As a result, this ASN likely supports a range of essential services including government communications, telecommunications management systems, and network infrastructure used by state institutions.
In addition to AS12880, several other Iranian ASNs associated with domestic telecommunications providers and research networks continue to appear in global routing registries. Examples include:
- AS15402 — Pishgaman Tejarat Sayar Company
- AS13231 — Baharan PLC
- AS15611 — Iranian Research Organization for Science and Technology
These networks collectively represent a mix of commercial telecommunications providers, academic infrastructure, and state-linked network operators. (whois.ipip.net)
Although their traffic levels may be substantially reduced under blackout conditions, the persistence of their route announcements indicates that they remain technically reachable from outside Iran.

The operational significance of these networks varies. Large backbone ASNs associated with state telecommunications infrastructure likely form the core of Iran’s international gateway environment. Networks operated by research organizations or specialized service providers may continue to function because they support critical institutional communications or technical services. Universities, research institutes, and state media organizations frequently maintain their own autonomous systems, allowing them to exchange traffic with both domestic and international networks.
From a strategic perspective, the continued operation of these ASNs provides the Iranian government with several important capabilities even during periods of severe domestic connectivity restrictions. First, they allow the state to preserve connectivity for essential government and administrative systems, including diplomatic communications, financial infrastructure, and telecommunications management platforms. Second, they enable selective international access for institutions that the government chooses to allow-list, such as state media outlets or research networks involved in strategic programs. Finally, these backbone networks provide the technical infrastructure through which Iranian cyber units can continue to interact with external command-and-control infrastructure or previously compromised systems abroad.
The persistence of these route announcements also suggests that the current blackout has been implemented primarily through traffic filtering and policy controls rather than physical disconnection of network infrastructure. In a full national disconnection scenario, Iranian ASNs would likely disappear from global routing tables as international gateway links were withdrawn or disabled. Instead, the available data indicates that the underlying routing architecture remains intact while the ability of most domestic users to generate outbound traffic has been restricted through filtering mechanisms.
For analysts monitoring the cyber dimension of the conflict, these ASN observations carry important implications. As long as core Iranian telecommunications ASNs remain visible within global routing tables, the country retains a functional backbone through which state institutions and cyber operators can maintain external connectivity. This infrastructure may be operating at a reduced capacity and under strict government control, but it still provides the foundational network layer required for communications, intelligence collection, and cyber operations.
Consequently, the ASN analysis reinforces the broader assessment that Iran’s cyber capabilities have likely been degraded but not eliminated by the wartime blackout. Civilian connectivity may be effectively severed, yet the persistence of key backbone networks demonstrates that the Iranian state retains sufficient connectivity to sustain essential government functions and limited cyber operational activity.
Effects on Iranian Cyber Operations
The collapse of civilian internet access across Iran, combined with the broader disruption of the country’s digital ecosystem, is likely to impose a range of operational constraints on Iranian cyber activities. While the state retains elements of its telecommunications backbone and selective external connectivity, the near-total disappearance of ordinary internet usage fundamentally alters the operational environment in which Iranian cyber units and affiliated actors must operate. The loss of widespread connectivity introduces logistical friction, reduces the availability of supporting infrastructure, and alters the network conditions under which cyber campaigns are typically planned and executed.
One of the most immediate effects of the blackout is the increased difficulty of internal coordination among cyber operators working within Iran. Offensive cyber campaigns particularly those involving multiple operators, distributed toolsets, and extended intrusion chains depend heavily on reliable communications among team members. Under conditions where public internet access is severely restricted and network traffic is tightly controlled, the ability of operators to exchange intelligence, share malware builds, coordinate targeting decisions, and manage ongoing operations becomes more cumbersome. Even if certain institutional networks remain connected through allow-listed pathways, the overall communications environment is likely to be slower, more constrained, and less flexible than under normal circumstances. This introduces friction into workflows that normally rely on rapid data exchange and collaborative coordination.

The disruption may also significantly reduce the volume of lower-tier cyber activity originating from inside the country. A substantial portion of disruptive cyber operations historically attributed to Iran has involved loosely organized patriotic hacker groups or opportunistic actors who operate with varying degrees of state tolerance or encouragement. These actors often rely on readily available infrastructure, open internet access, and widely accessible tools to conduct activities such as website defacements, distributed denial-of-service attacks, or basic intrusion campaigns. When broad civilian connectivity disappears, the technical conditions that enable such activity become much harder to sustain. Individuals who previously participated in these operations from home networks or small commercial hosting environments may find themselves unable to access the external resources required to launch or sustain attacks. As a result, the pool of actors capable of carrying out unsophisticated but high-volume operations may shrink considerably during the blackout period.
Beyond coordination challenges and the reduction of volunteer-driven activity, limited connectivity also complicates several aspects of standard cyber operational tradecraft. Modern cyber campaigns often involve iterative development cycles in which malware is repeatedly tested, modified, and redeployed against target environments. Operators typically rely on stable outbound connectivity to upload test builds, access remote infrastructure, retrieve stolen data, and maintain command-and-control channels. Under conditions where outbound bandwidth is constrained or heavily filtered, these processes become slower and less reliable. Tasks such as transferring large volumes of exfiltrated data, staging payloads on external servers, or conducting remote forensic analysis of compromised systems may be delayed or interrupted. Over time, these limitations can reduce the operational tempo of campaigns conducted directly from domestic infrastructure.
Another important consequence of the blackout relates to the broader visibility of Iranian network activity. Under normal circumstances, the vast volume of civilian and commercial traffic flowing through national networks creates a dense background of digital noise that can obscure the activities of individual systems or organizations. When that noise largely disappears—as appears to be the case during the current blackout the remaining traffic becomes proportionally more visible. With residential broadband usage, consumer web traffic, and commercial network activity largely absent, the packets that continue to traverse Iranian gateway networks are more likely to originate from institutional systems such as government ministries, telecommunications management platforms, or other strategically significant infrastructure. This concentration may make it easier for external observers to detect patterns, identify active nodes, or attribute network activity to specific organizations within the state apparatus.
Taken together, these factors suggest that the current network conditions could temporarily reduce Iran’s ability to conduct large-scale cyber campaigns directly from infrastructure located inside the country. Coordination challenges, diminished access to external resources, and the disappearance of volunteer-driven activity all contribute to a more constrained operational environment. While these limitations do not eliminate Iran’s cyber capabilities particularly given the availability of offshore infrastructure and previously established access inside foreign networks they likely impose short-term constraints on operational
Evidence of Continuing External Cyber Activity
Despite the operational friction created by the widespread disruption of Iran’s domestic internet environment, recent events indicate that cyber activity aligned with Iranian interests has not ceased. Multiple reports indicate that cyber operations continued in parallel with the early stages of the conflict, including retaliatory cyber incidents directed at foreign organizations and disruptions attributed to pro-Iranian actors. For example, reporting in March 2026 described a cyberattack affecting the U.S. medical device company Stryker, which pro-Iranian hackers claimed was conducted in retaliation for U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iranian targets.¹ These incidents demonstrate that even amid severe domestic connectivity restrictions, cyber operations linked to Iranian actors remain capable of producing measurable effects beyond Iran’s borders.
This pattern reflects a broader reality of contemporary cyber conflict: offensive cyber capabilities do not depend exclusively on a fully functional domestic internet environment. Modern cyber operations are typically designed to operate through distributed infrastructures in which command systems, staging servers, and operational nodes are geographically dispersed across multiple jurisdictions. Threat actors frequently rely on third-party hosting providers, compromised servers, and cloud infrastructure located outside their home country to launch or relay attacks. Because these external systems often function as the operational interface between attackers and their targets, the state of a nation’s domestic internet infrastructure may have only limited impact on ongoing cyber campaigns once such infrastructure has been established.
Iranian cyber actors have historically demonstrated a consistent reliance on distributed infrastructure models. Threat intelligence reporting on Iranian advanced persistent threat (APT) groups has shown that many campaigns utilize rented virtual private servers, compromised websites, and cloud-based command-and-control infrastructure located in multiple countries.³ In these operations, externally hosted systems frequently function as staging platforms or relay nodes through which malicious traffic is routed before reaching target environments. This architecture enables Iranian operators to sustain cyber campaigns even when connectivity from within Iran itself becomes restricted, unstable, or heavily monitored.
The use of geographically distributed infrastructure provides additional operational advantages beyond simple resilience. Infrastructure hosted in foreign jurisdictions can obscure the geographic origin of malicious traffic, complicate attribution efforts, and reduce the risk that defensive countermeasures will directly affect domestic Iranian networks. Such characteristics have long made distributed infrastructure an attractive operational model for Iranian threat groups and for other state-sponsored cyber programs more broadly.
Consequently, although the degradation of Iran’s domestic internet environment introduces logistical constraints, it does not fundamentally eliminate the country’s ability to conduct cyber operations. Operators may encounter slower coordination, reduced bandwidth for internal communications, and limited access to domestic hosting resources. However, once operational infrastructure has been established outside Iran—or when previously compromised systems remain under attacker control—cyber campaigns can continue with relatively limited dependence on domestic civilian connectivity.
In this sense, the current blackout environment likely reduces operational convenience rather than operational capability. Iranian cyber units may increasingly rely on previously established infrastructure, offshore hosting providers, and proxy actors to sustain their activities. Nevertheless, the structural characteristics of modern cyber operations allow the Iranian state to retain the ability to project cyber activity beyond its borders even while its internal internet environment remains severely constrained.
Likely Operational Adaptations
Given the constraints imposed by the current blackout and the broader disruption of Iran’s domestic digital environment, Iranian cyber units are likely to adapt their operational methods in ways that minimize reliance on internal connectivity while preserving their ability to exert pressure through cyberspace. Historically, Iranian cyber actors have demonstrated a degree of operational flexibility, and the present circumstances are likely to accelerate the use of techniques that allow campaigns to continue even when domestic network conditions are unstable or heavily restricted.
One area where operations are likely to remain relatively unaffected involves intrusions in which Iranian actors have already established pre-positioned access within foreign networks. Many cyber campaigns unfold over extended periods, with attackers spending months or even years maintaining covert access to compromised environments before executing disruptive or espionage activities. Once such access has been achieved, the operational infrastructure supporting the intrusion often resides within the target network itself or on intermediary systems located outside the attacker’s home country. Under these circumstances, the level of ongoing communication required between the operators and the compromised systems can be relatively modest. Command instructions may be issued intermittently, and automated tooling embedded within the target environment can continue to function even if direct connectivity from Iran becomes slower or more restricted. As a result, previously established footholds in foreign networks could remain viable avenues for continued cyber operations despite the domestic blackout.

Another likely adaptation involves an increased reliance on external infrastructure located outside Iranian territory. Cyber operations conducted by nation-state actors frequently depend on rented servers, cloud hosting platforms, or compromised systems in foreign jurisdictions that act as staging points or command-and-control nodes. These external assets allow operators to interact with target systems through intermediate infrastructure rather than communicating directly from domestic networks. If connectivity inside Iran becomes constrained, operators may shift a greater portion of their operational control mechanisms to servers hosted abroad. Such infrastructure can provide stable network access, higher bandwidth, and reduced exposure to domestic filtering policies. By managing campaigns through offshore systems, Iranian operators can maintain operational continuity even while their home networks remain partially isolated.
In addition to technical adaptations, Iran may increasingly leverage aligned or proxy hacker groups to carry out certain categories of cyber activity. Over the past decade, Iranian authorities have frequently tolerated or quietly encouraged the actions of loosely affiliated patriotic hacker collectives that conduct disruptive operations against perceived adversaries. These groups often operate from a variety of locations and do not necessarily rely on infrastructure inside Iran itself. In a wartime environment where domestic connectivity is constrained, proxy actors located abroad—or operating through foreign infrastructure—can provide a means of sustaining cyber pressure against adversaries while insulating the state from direct operational exposure. Such groups can launch disruptive campaigns, deface websites, or distribute stolen information in ways that align with Iranian strategic narratives without requiring significant coordination with state networks.
Finally, Iranian cyber actors may place greater emphasis on lower-cost disruptive tactics that can be executed with minimal infrastructure and relatively limited coordination. Operations such as distributed denial-of-service attacks, website defacements, and hack-and-leak campaigns require fewer technical resources than sophisticated espionage intrusions or complex destructive malware deployments. These activities are often designed less to achieve long-term network access and more to generate immediate political or psychological impact. By temporarily disabling websites, publishing stolen data, or disrupting online services, attackers can create headlines and signal retaliation even when operating under constrained conditions. In the context of an ongoing conflict, such tactics can serve both as instruments of harassment and as tools of information warfare, amplifying narratives of resistance or retaliation.
Taken together, these adaptive strategies illustrate how Iranian cyber actors may compensate for the limitations imposed by the current blackout environment. While the degradation of domestic internet connectivity introduces operational friction and may reduce the scale or tempo of certain campaigns, it does not prevent Iranian cyber units from continuing to operate through distributed infrastructure, pre-existing intrusions, proxy actors, and relatively low-cost disruptive techniques. In this sense, the operational landscape may shift toward a more decentralized model of activity, in which cyber operations are sustained through external networks and indirect mechanisms rather than through infrastructure located primarily within Iran itself.
External Visibility of Cyber Activity During the Iranian Internet Blackout
The current internet blackout in Iran introduces a critical analytical challenge for external observers attempting to monitor cyber activity associated with the conflict. With civilian connectivity reduced to negligible levels and much of the country’s public-facing internet environment effectively isolated, the ability of outside analysts to directly observe cyber operations originating within Iran is significantly constrained. Nevertheless, the blackout does not render Iranian cyber activity entirely invisible. Although direct visibility into internal network activity is largely absent, several forms of external telemetry continue to provide indirect indicators of cyber operations connected to Iranian infrastructure.
Under normal conditions, the global internet produces a vast amount of observable traffic that allows analysts to identify patterns associated with malicious behavior. Residential users, commercial enterprises, universities, and cloud services collectively generate enormous volumes of network activity, creating a dense background against which anomalous traffic can be detected. When the majority of that traffic disappears as appears to have occurred during the current blackout the observable attack surface shrinks dramatically. With far fewer Iranian systems communicating openly with the outside world, the opportunities for external analysts to detect suspicious traffic originating from Iranian networks are correspondingly reduced.
In addition to the disappearance of most outbound traffic, the blackout has also limited the accessibility of many Iranian websites and online services. Numerous systems that were previously reachable from outside the country now return connection failures or timeouts, reflecting either direct blocking measures or the absence of functional routing paths for public traffic. This isolation further reduces the ability of outside researchers to conduct active probing or vulnerability scanning of Iranian infrastructure in order to detect compromised systems or ongoing attack activity.
Despite these constraints, several categories of network telemetry continue to provide partial visibility into the state of Iranian cyber activity. One of the most important of these sources is global routing telemetry derived from Border Gateway Protocol (BGP) monitoring. Even during periods of severe connectivity restriction, Iran’s core telecommunications networks continue to advertise routing information to the global internet. By analyzing changes in these routing announcements, researchers can detect certain forms of network disruption, including route withdrawals, traffic diversion events, or defensive routing techniques such as blackholing that may be used to mitigate distributed denial-of-service attacks. While such telemetry does not reveal the contents of network traffic, it can provide valuable insight into the structural behavior of Iranian networks and the defensive responses triggered by cyber incidents.
Another source of indirect visibility comes from the monitoring of unused address space through systems known as network telescopes or darknets. These sensors observe traffic directed toward portions of the internet that contain no legitimate hosts. Because legitimate communications should never be sent to these addresses, packets arriving at darknet sensors are typically associated with malicious activity, such as automated vulnerability scanning or malware propagation. Even if Iranian networks are largely isolated from ordinary internet traffic, compromised systems within the country may still generate scanning activity that reaches these monitoring networks. When that occurs, analysts can infer the presence of malware infections or automated attack tools operating within Iranian address space.
In addition to darknet monitoring, many cybersecurity organizations operate large distributed sensor networks designed to detect malicious traffic across the global internet. These platforms rely on honeypots and passive monitoring systems that capture exploit attempts, credential-harvesting probes, and other indicators of attack preparation. When systems within Iranian address space attempt to scan or exploit these sensors, the activity becomes visible to global monitoring infrastructure even if the internal Iranian networks from which the traffic originates remain otherwise opaque.
These forms of telemetry allow outside observers to detect certain outward-facing cyber activities associated with Iranian infrastructure. Analysts may be able to observe vulnerability scanning campaigns, exploit attempts targeting exposed services, malware propagation events, or participation by Iranian systems in distributed denial-of-service attacks. Because these activities involve direct interaction with systems outside Iran, they inevitably generate network signals that can be captured by monitoring infrastructure located elsewhere on the internet.
However, the blackout imposes severe limitations on what can be observed. External analysts generally cannot see traffic that remains entirely within Iranian networks, including lateral movement between compromised systems inside the country or communications between internal command servers and operators. Activities such as malware development, testing environments, and operational planning conducted within isolated networks remain effectively invisible to outside observers. Furthermore, many advanced cyber operations rely on infrastructure located outside the originating country. When attackers control servers or compromised systems abroad, malicious activity may appear to originate from those external nodes rather than from Iran itself. In such cases, the operational infrastructure visible to defenders may reveal little about the geographic location of the operators directing the campaign.
Taken together, these factors suggest that the blackout significantly reduces the external observability of cyber operations occurring within Iran, but it does not eliminate it entirely. Certain outward-facing behaviors—particularly those that interact directly with the global internet—remain detectable through a combination of routing telemetry, darknet monitoring, and distributed attack-sensor networks. At the same time, the disappearance of most civilian network traffic creates substantial intelligence blind spots, making it far more difficult for external observers to identify the internal coordination, staging, and command structures that support Iranian cyber campaigns.
As a result, analysts monitoring the cyber dimension of the conflict must rely heavily on indirect indicators and global telemetry rather than direct observation of Iranian networks. Large-scale scanning campaigns, botnet activity, and routing anomalies may still provide clues about ongoing cyber operations. Yet the blackout environment significantly obscures the internal phases of those operations, particularly those conducted within isolated networks or through infrastructure located outside Iran’s borders. In practical terms, the blackout does not make Iranian cyber activity invisible, but it does make it far more difficult to detect, attribute, and analyze in real time.
Overall Assessment
The body of technical and contextual evidence accumulated during the current conflict indicates that the war and the accompanying nationwide internet shutdown have profoundly disrupted Iran’s domestic digital environment. Civilian connectivity to the global internet has fallen to extremely low levels, effectively isolating most of the country’s population from external networks. Businesses, universities, media organizations, and private individuals now operate within an environment where access to international platforms and communication channels is either severely constrained or entirely unavailable. The resulting contraction of Iran’s public internet activity represents one of the most significant connectivity disruptions the country has experienced in recent years.
This collapse of civilian connectivity carries meaningful implications for Iran’s cyber ecosystem. Many aspects of cyber operations particularly those requiring extensive collaboration, rapid data exchange, and distributed infrastructure management depend on reliable domestic connectivity and the ability of operators to communicate freely across networks. In a blackout environment where communications are tightly controlled and bandwidth is limited, such activities inevitably become more difficult to coordinate. Campaigns that rely on teams of operators working in parallel, rapidly deploying infrastructure, or exchanging large quantities of data may experience delays or reduced efficiency. In this sense, the wartime blackout likely introduces operational friction that constrains some categories of cyber activity originating from inside Iran.
At the same time, routing telemetry and network analysis reveal that Iran’s telecommunications backbone has not disappeared from the global internet. Key Iranian telecommunications providers continue to originate routing announcements and remain visible within international BGP tables. The persistence of these routing relationships indicates that the country’s international gateways and core backbone networks remain technically operational even as civilian connectivity has collapsed. Rather than a complete disconnection from the global internet, the current conditions appear to reflect a tightly controlled connectivity environment in which access is selectively permitted for certain institutional networks.
This pattern strongly suggests that Iranian authorities have implemented a selective connectivity model designed to preserve essential state communications while restricting the population’s access to external networks. Under such a model, government ministries, telecommunications management systems, financial institutions, and other strategically important organizations can maintain external connectivity through allow-listed pathways. Meanwhile, residential networks, commercial internet service providers, and other civilian systems remain largely cut off from the global network environment. The result is a bifurcated internet environment in which the backbone remains intact but access to it is tightly controlled.
When considered together, these conditions lead to a balanced assessment of Iran’s cyber capabilities during the current conflict. The blackout environment undoubtedly degrades aspects of the country’s cyber operational environment, particularly those that depend heavily on widespread domestic connectivity or large-scale collaboration among operators inside the country. The loss of civilian infrastructure, the reduction in accessible hosting resources, and the constraints placed on internal communications all introduce obstacles that can slow operational tempo and reduce campaign scale.
However, these limitations do not eliminate Iran’s ability to conduct cyber operations. The continued functionality of the national telecommunications backbone ensures that the state retains at least a limited capacity for external communication and network management. Combined with Iran’s demonstrated experience in operating through distributed infrastructure and external staging systems, this connectivity is sufficient to sustain both disruptive cyber activities and long-term espionage campaigns.
Accordingly, Iran’s cyber warfare capability should be assessed not as neutralized but as degraded yet still operational. The wartime blackout likely reduces efficiency, constrains some categories of activity, and forces operators to adapt their methods. Nevertheless, Iranian cyber actors continue to possess the infrastructure, expertise, and operational frameworks necessary to conduct cyber campaigns beyond their borders. The current environment therefore represents a reduction in operational convenience and scale rather than a fundamental loss of capability.
Strategic Outlook
If the conflict continues over an extended period, the cyber domain will almost certainly remain an active theater for retaliation, signaling, and asymmetric pressure. Cyber operations provide states with a means of imposing costs on adversaries without escalating directly into conventional military confrontation. For Iran in particular, the cyber domain offers a comparatively accessible avenue for demonstrating resilience and projecting influence even while its domestic infrastructure faces disruption and wartime constraints. Under these conditions, Iranian cyber actors may increasingly prioritize operations designed to generate symbolic impact or psychological pressure rather than focusing exclusively on long-term espionage campaigns.
Such activity could manifest in a variety of forms. Disruptive cyber actions against foreign commercial entities, public institutions, and critical infrastructure operators would allow Iranian actors to signal that the country retains the capacity to respond in cyberspace despite the domestic connectivity challenges created by the blackout. Operations targeting high-profile organizations—particularly those associated with sectors such as finance, healthcare, transportation, or energy—can attract significant public attention even when the technical impact of the intrusion is limited. In this sense, cyber activity can function as both retaliation and strategic messaging, reinforcing the narrative that Iran remains capable of imposing costs on its adversaries in domains beyond the battlefield.
At the same time, the current conflict may have lasting implications for Iran’s internal approach to network architecture and information control. The blackout environment demonstrates both the strengths and limitations of the country’s centralized telecommunications model. While authorities have proven capable of sharply restricting civilian access to the global internet, the crisis also highlights the importance of maintaining reliable communications channels for government institutions, financial systems, and security organizations. In response, Iranian policymakers may accelerate efforts to expand and reinforce the country’s controlled national network architecture, including the continued development of domestic platforms and internal services that can operate independently from the global internet.
Such initiatives are consistent with Iran’s longer-term strategy of building a more autonomous digital ecosystem. By strengthening domestic infrastructure and reducing reliance on foreign platforms, the state can increase its ability to manage information flows during periods of crisis while still preserving the connectivity required for state institutions and strategic operations. A more mature national network architecture could enable authorities to isolate civilian users more rapidly and more selectively in future emergencies, limiting public communication with external audiences while ensuring that government communications and cyber capabilities remain intact.
Taken together, these dynamics suggest that the current blackout represents both an immediate operational constraint and a potential catalyst for structural changes in Iran’s digital strategy. In the short term, the disruption has placed meaningful strain on the country’s cyber ecosystem by limiting civilian connectivity, constraining domestic communications, and altering the conditions under which cyber operations are coordinated. However, the persistence of the national telecommunications backbone and the continued visibility of Iranian routing infrastructure indicate that the country retains a functioning digital core from which cyber operations can still be conducted.
For this reason, the present situation should not be interpreted as the neutralization of Iran’s cyber warfare capability. Rather, the blackout has likely reduced operational efficiency and imposed limits on scale and tempo while leaving the underlying capacity for cyber activity intact. Iranian actors continue to possess the technical expertise, operational experience, and distributed infrastructure necessary to project cyber activity beyond the country’s borders. Consequently, even under conditions of severe domestic disruption, Iran remains capable of conducting disruptive or espionage-oriented cyber campaigns, though these operations may proceed at a slower pace and rely more heavily on external infrastructure than they would under normal peacetime conditions.
Threat Intelligence Analysis Report: Iranian cyber actor capabilities and likely asymmetric retaliation scenarios against U.S. interests
Subject: Iranian cyber actor capabilities and likely asymmetric retaliation scenarios against U.S. interests
Date: March 11, 2026
Analytic basis: OSINT synthesis of official advisories, sanctions/designations, ATT&CK group tracking, and current reporting
Introduction
The ongoing military conflict involving Iran, the United States, and Israel has significantly degraded Iranian domestic infrastructure, including telecommunications networks, energy facilities, and portions of the country’s public internet connectivity. While such degradation may constrain centralized command-and-control for cyber operations conducted directly from Iranian territory, it does not eliminate the Islamic Republic’s capacity to pursue asymmetric retaliation in cyberspace. Iranian cyber operations historically rely on distributed infrastructure, compromised third-party systems, external hosting services, and proxy actors operating outside Iranian borders. As a result, Iranian state-linked cyber actors retain the ability to conduct espionage, disruptive cyber activity, and influence operations even under conditions of domestic network disruption. Recent government advisories have emphasized that Iranian threat actors frequently exploit vulnerable internet-facing systems, leverage stolen credentials, and employ ransomware-, wiper-, or hack-and-leak–style operations as part of coercive cyber campaigns. (cyber.gc.ca)
At the same time, the strategic environment surrounding the conflict suggests that cyber operations are likely to represent only one component of a broader Iranian asymmetric response. European and U.S. security assessments have warned that the escalation of hostilities involving Iran increases the risk of both cyberattacks and terrorism by Iran-linked actors and members of the so-called “Axis of Resistance,” including militant organizations and proxy networks operating in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen. These groups historically receive varying degrees of support, coordination, or strategic guidance from Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), particularly through the IRGC’s Quds Force, which oversees many of Iran’s external proxy relationships. As a result, retaliatory activity directed at U.S. and Israeli interests may occur primarily through proxy networks operating outside Iranian territory rather than through direct state action. (reuters.com)
This environment also raises the possibility that Iranian retaliation could combine cyber disruption with kinetic attacks conducted by aligned militant organizations. Groups such as Hamas and other Iranian-supported militant actors have historically served as instruments of Iranian strategic pressure against Israel and Western interests, enabling Tehran to project power while maintaining a degree of plausible deniability. While the level of operational coordination between Tehran and these organizations varies across conflicts, Iran’s longstanding practice of leveraging proxy forces provides a mechanism for retaliation that does not depend on domestic infrastructure or direct attribution to the Iranian state.
Consequently, the most plausible Iranian response to sustained military pressure is likely to follow an asymmetric model that blends cyber activity, influence operations, and proxy-enabled violence. Cyber operations may be used to generate disruption, collect intelligence, or shape public narratives, while the greater immediate risk of physical harm to U.S. and Israeli interests could arise from IRGC-linked proxy networks capable of conducting terrorist or paramilitary attacks outside Iran’s borders. This blended strategy would allow Iran to impose strategic costs on adversaries despite domestic infrastructure degradation while preserving deniability and strategic flexibility.
Analytic Confidence
- High confidence that Iranian cyber actors retain operational capability despite domestic infrastructure disruption due to their historical reliance on distributed infrastructure and third-party systems.
- Moderate to high confidence that Iranian retaliation will involve a combination of cyber operations and proxy activity rather than purely state-directed cyber attacks.
- Moderate confidence that the highest-risk near-term threat to U.S. and Israeli interests may originate from IRGC-aligned proxy networks capable of conducting kinetic attacks outside Iranian territory.
This report examines the structure, historical activity, and operational capabilities of major Iranian advanced persistent threat (APT) groups and assesses how these actors could contribute to an asymmetric retaliation campaign against U.S. and Israeli interests under current wartime conditions.
Caveats:
Bottom line: if the current war continues and Iran’s domestic infrastructure remains degraded, the most plausible Iranian cyber response against the U.S. is not a single “cyber Pearl Harbor,” but a layered campaign: noisy proxy and hacktivist disruption, opportunistic attacks on poorly secured U.S. critical infrastructure, hack-and-leak and influence operations, and targeted espionage against defense, logistics, telecom, energy, and political targets. That judgment fits both recent government warnings and the historical behavior of Iranian actors, which has emphasized social engineering, exploitation of known vulnerabilities, disruptive attacks, wipers, and deniable proxy activity more than exquisitely engineered one-shot strategic sabotage.
A quick caveat on scope: there is no universally accepted “Complete Iranian APT groups” list. Public tracking overlaps heavily, vendors use different names for the same cluster, and some “groups” are really personas, contractors, or sub-clusters. What follows is the most defensible public map of major Iranian state-linked or Iran-aligned clusters relevant to a U.S. retaliation scenario, with confidence levels where attribution is stronger or weaker.
Executive summary
Iran retains a credible cyber retaliation capability against U.S. interests even while its domestic infrastructure is degraded and its public internet is heavily constrained. The most likely response is not a single decisive strategic cyber strike, but a layered campaign combining hacktivist disruption, hack-and-leak operations, espionage, crime-styled destructive activity, and opportunistic attacks on under-defended operational technology and edge infrastructure. Current official warnings from DHS reporting, CISA/FBI/NSA/DC3, Canada’s cyber center, and Europol all point in that direction. (Reuters)
Iran’s most relevant state-linked clusters for such a campaign are APT42, Magic Hound/APT35, APT33, OilRig/APT34, APT39, MuddyWater, Agrius, Fox Kitten/Lemon Sandstorm, CyberAv3ngers, CURIUM, and Emennet Pasargad. Public reporting ties these actors to three recurring mission sets: espionage and surveillance; disruptive or destructive activity including wipers and ransomware-style effects; and influence operations aimed at intimidation, voter confidence, or social division. (MITRE ATT&CK)
My core judgment is that a post-war Iranian cyber campaign against the United States would most likely pursue coercive signaling and political pressure, not immediate nationwide catastrophic sabotage. The highest-probability activity is a blend of phishing and surveillance against high-value individuals, noisy proxy disruption, selective leaks, and attacks on weaker municipal, healthcare, logistics, telecom, water, and regional infrastructure environments. The highest-danger scenario is localized OT/ICS disruption or pseudo-ransomware against sectors with public-safety implications. (Canadian Centre for Cyber Security)
Key judgments
1. Iranian domestic degradation changes command-and-control patterns, but does not materially remove offensive cyber risk.
Reporting indicates Iran is under intense military pressure and experiencing a severe internet blackout. That environment likely pushes operations toward pre-positioned access, third-country infrastructure, front companies, cloud services, and proxy or hacktivist ecosystems rather than tightly managed, homeland-dependent operations. This is partly analytic inference, but it is strongly consistent with the historical operating models of MuddyWater, OilRig, APT39, CURIUM, and Magic Hound. (The Guardian)
2. The most likely immediate threat vector is low-to-moderate sophistication disruption by aligned hacktivists and proxies.
A DHS assessment reviewed by Reuters said the main short-term concern is Iran-aligned hacktivists conducting low-level attacks such as defacements and DDoS. Canada’s cyber center similarly assessed that pro-Iran hacktivists often overstate impact but do conduct disruptive activity, and Europol warned that Iran-linked groups and Axis of Resistance affiliates could engage in destabilizing cybercrime. (Reuters)
*NOTE* As I was writing this report, a news wire story came out about Stryker getting hit with Iranian linked proxy group’s wiper malware (Handala)
3. The most strategically useful Iranian cyber response is espionage plus influence.
Iranian actors have repeatedly demonstrated strong social engineering, account compromise, surveillance, and information-theft tradecraft. APT42 conducts cyber espionage and surveillance, often beginning with spearphishing or Android compromise; Magic Hound is a long-running espionage actor tied to complex social engineering; Emennet Pasargad was sanctioned for attempted interference in the 2020 U.S. election and Treasury later designated additional personnel tied to related IRGC-linked influence operations. (MITRE ATT&CK)
4. The highest-concern disruption scenario is against weaker, internet-exposed critical infrastructure.
CISA, FBI, NSA, and partners warned that IRGC-affiliated actors using the CyberAv3ngers persona exploited Unitronics PLCs in multiple sectors, including U.S. water and wastewater. Canada’s cyber center separately assessed that Iranian actors opportunistically target poorly secured critical infrastructure and internet-connected devices, including water and energy, and have attempted ICS manipulation, encryption, wiping, and leak operations. (CISA)
Iranian actor assessment
Tier 1: Most relevant for post-war retaliation
APT42
APT42 is an Iranian-sponsored espionage and surveillance actor active since at least 2015. Its pattern is credential theft, device compromise, monitoring, and exfiltration using native and open-source tools. This actor is well suited for targeting policymakers, military-adjacent personnel, journalists, diaspora communities, and think tanks. In a retaliation scenario, APT42 is one of the best fits for hack-and-leak, targeted phishing, and mobile-device surveillance aimed at shaping narratives and collecting decision-support intelligence. Confidence: high. (MITRE ATT&CK)
Magic Hound / APT35 / Mint Sandstorm / Charming Kitten
Magic Hound is a resource-intensive Iranian espionage actor likely operating on behalf of the IRGC. ATT&CK attributes to it long-running social engineering, fake social media personas, targeted phishing, and campaigns against U.S., European, and Middle Eastern government, military, academic, media, and WHO-linked targets. Its history of relationship-building makes it especially dangerous for slow-burn targeting of advisers, researchers, veterans, activists, and experts tied to Iran policy. Confidence: high. (MITRE ATT&CK)
MuddyWater / Mango Sandstorm / Seedworm
MuddyWater is assessed by ATT&CK as a subordinate element of Iran’s MOIS and has targeted telecom, local government, defense, and oil and gas organizations across North America and other regions. It is pragmatic rather than elegant, often using commodity infrastructure, scripts, web services, and living-off-the-land methods. In a post-war scenario, MuddyWater is one of the most plausible actors for large-scale foothold establishment in U.S. regional government, telecom, and enterprise networks. Confidence: high. (MITRE ATT&CK)
OilRig / APT34 / Hazel Sandstorm
OilRig has targeted financial, government, energy, chemical, and telecommunications sectors since at least 2014 and appears to use supply-chain and trust-relationship access. That makes it especially relevant if Iranian operators need to route activity through managed providers, regional IT firms, or third-country infrastructure while operating under wartime constraints. Confidence: high. (MITRE ATT&CK)
CyberAv3ngers
CyberAv3ngers is the clearest publicly documented Iran-linked OT/ICS threat profile for U.S. infrastructure. U.S. authorities tied the persona to IRGC-affiliated targeting of Unitronics PLCs, and Rewards for Justice is offering up to $10 million for information on people acting under foreign government direction in these attacks. In a retaliation context, CyberAv3ngers-style activity is the strongest indicator that Iran would target exposed edge infrastructure for localized public-impact events rather than attempt a nationwide grid takedown. Confidence: high. (CISA)
Tier 2: Highly relevant supporting actors
APT33 / Peach Sandstorm / Elfin
APT33 has operated since at least 2013, with targeting across U.S., Saudi, and South Korean entities, especially aviation and energy. This makes it relevant for collection or disruption affecting fuel distribution, aviation support, communications, and military-enabling sectors. Confidence: high. (MITRE ATT&CK)
APT39 / Chafer / Rana Intelligence Computing
APT39 is linked by ATT&CK to Iran’s MOIS via Rana Intelligence Computing and has primarily targeted travel, hospitality, academic, and telecom sectors to track individuals and entities viewed as threats. That profile supports surveillance, dissident tracking, identity mapping, and target development for follow-on operations. Confidence: high. (MITRE ATT&CK)
Fox Kitten / Lemon Sandstorm / Pioneer Kitten
Fox Kitten has targeted healthcare, defense, government, engineering, technology, and oil and gas, often by exploiting known vulnerabilities in VPN appliances and public-facing services. Its profile supports a model of state-enabled access operations that can later be monetized or operationalized through ransomware-like disruption. Confidence: high. (MITRE ATT&CK)
Agrius / Pink Sandstorm / BlackShadow
Agrius is notable for ransomware and wiper activity, especially against Israeli targets, with public reporting linking it to MOIS. This actor is relevant because it sits at the intersection of destructive state action and criminal-style presentation. In a U.S. scenario, Agrius-like operations would likely aim for coercive disruption under a ransomware or extortion pretext. Confidence: high. (MITRE ATT&CK)
CURIUM / Tortoiseshell / Crimson Sandstorm
CURIUM has targeted IT service providers and invested in long-term relationship building over social media before malware delivery. It is particularly relevant for indirect access through consultants, integrators, and trusted intermediaries. Confidence: moderate-high. (MITRE ATT&CK)
Tier 3: Influence and repression enablers
Emennet Pasargad
Treasury says Emennet Pasargad attempted to interfere in the 2020 U.S. presidential election by obtaining or attempting to obtain voter data, sending threatening emails, and disseminating disinformation. Treasury also linked its predecessor to support for the IRGC’s electronic warfare and cyber defense organization. This is a proven cyber-enabled influence actor and a natural vehicle for wartime narrative shaping. Confidence: high. (U.S. Department of the Treasury)
Ferocious Kitten
Ferocious Kitten primarily targeted Persian-speaking individuals inside Iran. It is less central to U.S. infrastructure risk, but it is relevant for diaspora surveillance and coercive monitoring of exile communities. Confidence: moderate. (MITRE ATT&CK)
Most likely retaliation scenarios
Scenario 1: Coercive influence and hack-and-leak campaign
Description: Iranian espionage actors compromise political advisers, defense-adjacent researchers, journalists, veterans’ communities, or diaspora networks, then selectively leak stolen material through personas and aligned online ecosystems.
Primary actors: APT42, Magic Hound, Emennet Pasargad.
Effects: political friction, casualty amplification, disinformation, anti-war mobilization, reputational damage.
Likelihood: very high.
Rationale: This is low-cost, scalable, and strongly aligned with demonstrated Iranian behavior in surveillance, phishing, and election-related influence activity. (MITRE ATT&CK)
Scenario 2: Proxy-led disruptive campaign against public-facing U.S. targets
Description: Pro-Iran hacktivists and allied personas conduct DDoS, website defacements, and exaggerated breach claims against local governments, universities, media outlets, financial brands, and symbolic corporate targets.
Primary actors: hacktivist/proxy ecosystems with possible state amplification.
Effects: nuisance disruption, media attention, fear, perception of a broad cyber front.
Likelihood: very high.
Rationale: This is explicitly called out in current DHS and Canadian assessments and is consistent with Europol’s warning about Iran-linked destabilizing activity. (Reuters)
Scenario 3: Localized OT/ICS disruption in water, wastewater, or building systems
Description: Operators exploit internet-exposed PLCs, HMIs, or poorly segmented industrial environments to disrupt local operations or trigger visible service degradation.
Primary actors: CyberAv3ngers-style operators; opportunistic IRGC-linked actors.
Effects: local outages, boil-water notices, public panic, emergency response burden, high media visibility.
Likelihood: moderate.
Impact: high if it hits public-safety systems.
Rationale: Iran has proven willingness to target exposed PLC environments, but its historic success is more consistent at the edge than against hardened national strategic infrastructure. (CISA)
Scenario 4: Pseudo-ransomware or destructive intrusion against healthcare and logistics
Description: Access operations against hospitals, suppliers, freight, warehousing, or regional manufacturers are converted into encryption, wiping, or extortion-branded disruption.
Primary actors: Fox Kitten/Lemon Sandstorm, Agrius, criminal facilitators.
Effects: service disruption, cascading delays, reputational damage, denial of care, supply bottlenecks.
Likelihood: moderate-high.
Rationale: Official U.S. warning has already highlighted Iranian actors targeting vulnerable U.S. entities, and ATT&CK places both Fox Kitten and Agrius in sectors and mission sets consistent with this model. (U.S. Department of War)
*NOTE* As I was writing this report, a news wire story came out about Stryker getting hit with Iranian linked proxy group’s wiper malware (Handala)
Scenario 5: Quiet wartime espionage against defense, telecom, energy, and regional logistics
Description: Iranian actors prioritize collection against U.S.-connected commercial and government networks that support military posture, sanctions policy, shipping, fuel, satellite comms, and Gulf operations.
Primary actors: APT33, MuddyWater, OilRig, APT39.
Effects: better targeting intelligence, force-posture insight, strategic warning, sanctions evasion support, negotiation leverage.
Likelihood: very high.
Rationale: This is historically aligned with Iranian sector targeting and likely offers Tehran more strategic value than pure disruption. (MITRE ATT&CK)
Proxy and external-enabler assessment
The most credible external-enabler model is not a formal outsourced “cyber army” but a layered ecosystem of hacktivists, front companies, third-country infrastructure, contractors, and in some cases criminal facilitators. Reuters’ reporting on Europol’s warning explicitly mentions Axis of Resistance-linked groups in Iraq, Lebanon, and Yemen as potential vectors for destabilizing activity, including cybercrime. ATT&CK’s treatment of APT39 through Rana Intelligence Computing shows an established front-company model, while OilRig and CURIUM show repeated use of intermediaries and trust relationships. (Reuters)
The strongest proxy use cases are therefore: public-facing DDoS and defacement campaigns; influence amplification; infrastructure and hosting outside Iran; access through regional MSPs and service providers; and crime-styled disruption that obscures state direction. Confidence is high for hacktivist/proxy disruption, moderate-high for front-company and third-country access support, and moderate for deeper coordination with criminal ecosystems. (Canadian Centre for Cyber Security)
Indicators and warning signs
Near-term escalation indicators would include increased phishing and credential-theft activity against U.S. political, defense, telecom, energy, academic, and diaspora targets; new domain registrations and fake personas consistent with Magic Hound/APT42 tradecraft; scanning and exploitation of exposed VPNs, Exchange, and edge devices; repeated hacktivist claims timed to military events; and intrusion activity around small utilities or healthcare providers that depend on internet-exposed legacy systems. Those indicators align closely with the tradecraft and targeting patterns documented by ATT&CK and current official advisories. (MITRE ATT&CK)
Analytic judgment
The most probable Iranian cyber response to a post-war environment is sustained asymmetric pressure, not instant strategic cyber paralysis. Iran’s comparative advantage lies in deniable disruption, social engineering, opportunistic exploitation of weakly defended systems, surveillance of people rather than only networks, and influence operations that convert cyber access into political effect. Even with domestic infrastructure damaged and public internet constrained, those capabilities remain viable because they rely heavily on pre-existing access, external infrastructure, and proxy ecosystems. (Canadian Centre for Cyber Security)
The most dangerous U.S. exposure is therefore not a single dramatic cyber “knockout,” but the cumulative effect of many smaller and medium-scale operations: leaks, nuisance attacks, localized infrastructure disruption, ransomware-branded sabotage, and strategic espionage against the systems that support military, economic, and public confidence. (U.S. Department of War)
Wargame on the NATO crisis scenario:
Wargame Analysis: NATO Crisis Over U.S. Attempt to Seize Greenland (2026)
Date: January 18, 2026
Executive Summary
This wargame paper evaluates the geopolitical, military, and legal ramifications of a hypothetical U.S. presidential order to seize Greenland by force in 2026. Greenland, although geographically distant, occupies a strategically vital position in the Arctic. It is a self-governing territory within the Kingdom of Denmark and under the umbrella of NATO’s collective defense due to Denmark’s membership.
The paper addresses three primary scenarios:
- A unilateral U.S. military action without prior NATO presence.
- U.S. action following preemptive NATO deployment in Greenland.
- Possible Russian involvement supporting American strategic objectives.
These scenarios illuminate emerging fractures in the post–Cold War alliance structure and test the legal and operational resilience of NATO. The analysis incorporates plausible military operations, strategic calculations, legal interpretations, and alliance politics. The findings underscore NATO’s vulnerability to internal aggression and the emerging complexities of Arctic geopolitics.
Scenario 1: Unilateral U.S. Military Action Against Greenland
In this scenario, the United States acts unilaterally without prior NATO presence on Greenland. The U.S. President, citing national security threats, Arctic resource access, and geostrategic competition with China and Russia, orders U.S. forces to take control of Greenland. This action bypasses Denmark’s sovereignty and the established NATO decision-making process.
Denmark lodges formal protests and convenes the North Atlantic Council (NAC). European NATO members quickly assess the implications for collective defense. The NAC faces an unprecedented challenge: the aggressor is a founding NATO member. Diplomatic channels are overwhelmed, and military planners in Brussels begin urgent consultations.
Potential responses include:
- Coordinated defensive deployment under Danish command.
- Invocation of Article 4 (consultation) but not Article 5 (collective defense).
- Unilateral actions by European states to oppose U.S. occupation.
The outcome hinges on political will and cohesion within NATO. A fragmented response would undermine alliance credibility; a strong unified stance might deter U.S. aggression or lead to internal alliance rupture. The scenario sets the stage for broader intra-NATO confrontations over norms, legality, and leadership.
Scenario 2: NATO Troops Already Deployed in Greenland
Anticipating potential U.S. coercion, Denmark initiates Operation Arctic Endurance with support from key NATO allies. Troops from the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Norway, and Canada are pre-positioned across Greenlandic territory. Their presence symbolizes alliance solidarity and positions NATO forces to deter unilateral action.
Despite warnings, the U.S. President orders an amphibious landing in western Greenland. European troops, embedded with Greenlandic defense units, issue radio warnings and prepare for confrontation. As U.S. naval and air units approach, the situation escalates. Military deconfliction fails, and skirmishes erupt at key access points such as Kangerlussuaq and Thule. This intra-alliance combat marks an unprecedented development.
Politically, NATO enters a state of emergency. The NAC debates Article 5 invocation against one of its own members—a situation for which no legal precedent exists. European leaders call for the suspension of U.S. participation in NATO activities. The U.S. administration, facing Congressional opposition, accuses European allies of betrayal and threatens broader disengagement.
This scenario tests NATO’s institutional integrity and reveals critical flaws in its governance mechanisms under conditions of internal aggression.
Scenario 3: Russian Involvement Supporting U.S. Objectives
This scenario introduces an additional layer of complexity: covert or indirect Russian support for the United States. While no formal alliance is formed, Russia seizes the opportunity to weaken NATO’s cohesion.
The Kremlin launches disinformation campaigns portraying the crisis as European overreach. Simultaneously, Russian cyber units target European military communications in Greenland and NATO headquarters. In the maritime domain, Russian submarines and surface vessels begin Arctic maneuvers near Greenland and the GIUK Gap, signaling strategic alignment without explicit coordination.
This activity compels NATO to divide its attention between deterring U.S. aggression and monitoring Russian advances. Meanwhile, Moscow offers backchannel support to Washington—suggesting coordination on sanctions, Middle East posture, and Arctic economic zones.
The NATO alliance struggles to maintain coherence. Internal divisions deepen as member states disagree on the proper response to dual provocations. This scenario underscores the multidimensional threats posed by strategic opportunism and the vulnerabilities of alliance-based security architectures.
Combined Strategic Assessment
All three scenarios reveal core structural weaknesses in NATO’s design. Built for collective defense against external threats, NATO lacks the internal legal and procedural frameworks to manage intra-alliance conflict. The presence of European forces in Greenland represents a partial deterrent, but also escalates the risk of direct combat. Russia’s involvement exacerbates the crisis by introducing hybrid threats and diverting European resources.
Key strategic takeaways:
- NATO lacks mechanisms to address member-on-member aggression.
- European military cohesion is robust, but political unity remains fragile.
- Russian opportunism is highly effective in exacerbating transatlantic disunity.
This assessment suggests an urgent need for NATO reform, especially regarding Article 5 applicability, Arctic doctrine, and intra-member conflict protocols.
Legal and Political Implications
From a legal standpoint, any unilateral U.S. action against Greenland violates the UN Charter and the North Atlantic Treaty. Denmark, as Greenland’s sovereign authority, is entitled to territorial integrity and protection from aggression—even by an ally.
Within the U.S., such military action would likely exceed the limits of executive authority and violate Congressional war powers. If the President bypassed authorization, legal and constitutional challenges would arise.
Politically, the crisis would damage transatlantic relations irreparably. NATO’s institutional credibility would be severely undermined. European states would likely explore alternative defense structures, while Greenland and the Arctic region would be militarized at a scale not seen since the Cold War.
Conclusion
The hypothetical crisis over Greenland reveals deep structural and doctrinal vulnerabilities within NATO. A unilateral U.S. attempt to seize Greenland—particularly against allied troops—would provoke military confrontation and potentially unravel the alliance. The added variable of Russian hybrid involvement raises the stakes further, drawing Europe into a multifront geopolitical contest.
The crisis scenario demands serious consideration of NATO’s future configuration. Without reforms to address intra-member aggression, hybrid warfare, and Arctic-specific threats, the alliance risks fragmentation in the face of 21st-century strategic realities.
Addendum: Strategic Benefits to the Russian Federation from the Greenland Crisis
Scenario 1: Unilateral U.S. Military Action Against Greenland
Putin’s Strategic Gains:
- Erosion of NATO Unity: A U.S. act of aggression against a NATO-aligned territory forces European allies to question the credibility of NATO’s core deterrent (Article 5), weakening the alliance from within.
- Legitimization of Russian Behavior: The U.S. use of force against a sovereign territory gives Moscow rhetorical ammunition to justify its own interventions in Ukraine, Georgia, and the Arctic.
- Diplomatic Leverage: Russia can position itself as a “rational actor” or even a mediator amid NATO chaos, gaining soft power and undermining Western moral high ground.
- Opportunity for Arctic Militarization: As NATO’s focus turns inward, Russia can accelerate its military and economic expansion across the Russian Arctic with reduced scrutiny or pushback.
Scenario 2: NATO Troops Already Deployed in Greenland
Putin’s Strategic Gains:
- Alliance Entrapment: A direct clash between U.S. and European NATO troops fulfills a long-term Russian goal: sowing conflict among Western states without direct intervention.
- Diversion of NATO Resources: European states and Canada would be forced to reallocate forces and funding toward Arctic defense and intra-alliance security, detracting from collective focus on Eastern Europe and Ukraine.
- Geopolitical Realignment: If NATO fractures or suspends U.S. participation, Russia can exploit the resultant vacuum to cultivate bilateral deals with disaffected NATO or EU states.
- Narrative Control: Kremlin propaganda would frame the crisis as proof that NATO is an unstable relic of the Cold War, justifying Russian-led alternative security frameworks (e.g., CSTO, BRICS security council).
Scenario 3: Russian Involvement Supporting U.S. Objectives
Putin’s Strategic Gains:
- Asymmetric Leverage: By covertly aiding the U.S. or simply exploiting the chaos, Russia gains maximum geopolitical return with minimal direct risk or cost.
- Operational Distraction: Cyber attacks and Arctic naval deployments tie down NATO resources and create vulnerabilities on NATO’s eastern flank.
- Testing Alliance Limits: Russia can observe NATO’s crisis response mechanisms in real-time, identifying gaps in cohesion, interoperability, and command-and-control.
- Strategic Normalization of Hybrid Tactics: As NATO struggles to define responses to internal aggression and hybrid threats, Russia can further normalize cyberwarfare, information ops, and economic coercion as legitimate statecraft tools.
Combined Strategic Assessment
Across all scenarios, the Greenland crisis offers Russia a unique geopolitical windfall:
- Internal NATO polarization benefits Moscow’s long-term goal of a fragmented and ineffective alliance.
- The Arctic, long seen as Russia’s strategic frontier, becomes less contested as NATO faces internal disruption.
- Russia can shift global narratives about the “rules-based order,” equating Western hypocrisy with its own authoritarian assertiveness.
Net Effect for Russia:
Without firing a shot, the Kremlin reaps strategic, psychological, and diplomatic gains from an alliance crisis it neither started nor controls, but can deeply exploit.
Cyberwarfare as Low-Intensity Conflict: Structural Coercion and the Exploitation of U.S. Instability
Abstract
This paper reconceptualizes cyberwar and cyberwarfare to include non‑kinetic cyber operations as legitimate and deliberate forms of warfare, rather than as peripheral or sub-threshold activities. It examines the evolving use of cyberwarfare as a modality of low‑intensity conflict in which foreign adversaries exploit legal ambiguity and internal political vulnerabilities within democracies such as the United States. Anchored in the theory of structural coercion, this analysis treats sustained non‑kinetic campaigns, those that degrade institutional capacity, erode public legitimacy, and impose cumulative strategic harm, as actual acts of war, even absent physical destruction or casualties. Moreover, it considers how such campaigns are increasingly used as strategic shaping operations, designed to deter or degrade the target’s capacity to project power while adversaries pursue kinetic, economic, or territorial objectives in other theaters. In this sense, cyberwarfare becomes both a tool of coercion and a force-multiplier, distracting and destabilizing high-capability adversaries like the United States to gain political and military advantage elsewhere. Drawing on real-world cases such as the 2023–2024 Volt Typhoon campaign and foreign interference in the 2024 U.S. elections, as well as detailed wargame simulations and legal scholarship, the paper argues that cyberwarfare has emerged as the preferred method for achieving wartime objectives without conventional escalation.
Introduction
Cyberwarfare increasingly exists in a legally ambiguous zone, its activities often fall below the conventional definitions of “armed attack,” yet they accomplish many of war’s strategic functions. Non-kinetic, state-directed cyber operations aim to degrade the opponent’s governance capacity, sow public distrust, and induce policy shifts, all without physical violence or traditional battlefield confrontations (Structural Coercion in Cyberspace, n.d.).
Cyber Conflict and Legal Liminality
International law defines the use of force under the UN Charter based on observable physical effects: death, destruction, or significant material damage (United Nations, 1945). Under this framework, the Law of Armed Conflict (LOAC) applies only when these kinetic thresholds are met. However, most cyber operations, such as disinformation campaigns, infrastructure probing, or disruptions to institutional processes, produce processual and systemic harm rather than immediate physical consequences (Structural Coercion in Cyberspace, n.d.). As a result, such operations are frequently excluded from LOAC applicability, shielding them from legal classification as acts of war and precluding collective military response.
This legal gap has contributed to the strategic normalization of cyber coercion, where adversarial states engage in persistent, deniable campaigns that erode governance, sow public distrust, and paralyze national decision-making, often without triggering international retaliation (Structural Coercion in Cyberspace, n.d.). Yet this effect-based legal model fails to account for indirect but lethal consequences of cyber actions. For instance, cyberattacks targeting electrical grids, hospitals, emergency services, and water treatment systems can result in real-world fatalities, including deaths from medical equipment failure, traffic accidents, and delayed emergency responses. These are not hypothetical risks; they represent collateral damage directly attributable to cyber actions, even in the absence of traditional kinetic force.
By maintaining a narrow focus on direct physical effects, international law overlooks the cascading and often deadly impacts of modern cyber operations on civilian populations. This oversight not only undermines accountability but also incentivizes the continued use of legally insulated but strategically lethal cyber campaigns, many of which would likely be classified as warfare under any other technological paradigm.
Internal Instability as Strategic Terrain: The Trump-Era Legacy
The Trump administration’s erosion of democratic norms, through politicization of law enforcement, undermining electoral integrity, and disinformation, created an environment ripe for exploitation. A scenario modeled in the Structural Coercion Under Internal Strain wargame imagined a future United States already weakened by a consolidating authoritarian regime, further targeted by a foreign adversary (Russia) using non-kinetic hybrid operations (Tabletop Wargame, 2023).
This internal vulnerability enables a feedback loop where foreign interference accelerates domestic dysfunction, and the state’s responses, often involving repression or over-centralization, further degrade democratic legitimacy.
Real-World Case Study 1: Volt Typhoon and Chinese Cyber Pre-Positioning
In 2023, U.S. cybersecurity agencies publicly identified Volt Typhoon, a Chinese state-sponsored cyber operation targeting critical infrastructure across multiple sectors, including communications, energy, water, and transportation (CISA, 2023). These activities emphasized long-term access and stealth, not immediate disruption, consistent with Chinese doctrine emphasizing “systems confrontation” and political warfare (CISA, 2023; War on the Rocks, 2024).
Volt Typhoon exemplifies how the People’s Republic of China (PRC) utilizes cyber pre-positioning to prepare the battlespace for potential leverage, especially in the event of an Indo-Pacific contingency such as Taiwan. These campaigns do not aim to destroy infrastructure but to undermine confidence in its reliability and increase response friction during crises (Tabletop Wargame: With Chinese Characteristics, 2024).
Real-World Case Study 2: Foreign Interference in the 2024 U.S. Elections
The 2024 U.S. presidential election again became a target for foreign influence operations, with both Russia and China exploiting partisan polarization, social media amplification, and AI-generated disinformation. While kinetic attacks were absent, intelligence reports and academic monitors documented persistent narrative manipulation, especially targeting swing-state voters and undermining trust in electoral outcomes (Metacurity, 2024).
In line with previous efforts from 2016 and 2020, these campaigns focused on:
- Amplifying distrust in voting systems;
- Discrediting political opponents with fabricated leaks;
- Echoing domestic narratives to evade attribution.
Like the Volt Typhoon activities, these tactics were strategically deniable, designed to complicate legal or diplomatic response while imposing strategic cost, not by changing votes directly, but by weakening democratic legitimacy.
Strategic Logic: War Without War
These campaigns confirm what the Structural Coercion framework predicts: adversaries engage in continuous, non-spectacular operations that degrade a state’s political and operational capacity (Structural Coercion in Cyberspace, n.d.). They aim to coerce rather than destroy, often by creating scenarios where the target state overreacts, further undermining its internal legitimacy (Tabletop Wargame, 2023).
China’s focus on systems degradation and Russia’s emphasis on information overload both seek to manipulate the tempo and credibility of U.S. decision-making. The success metric is not military victory but internal paralysis or foreign-policy self-deterrence (Tabletop Wargame: With Chinese Characteristics, 2024).
Normative Implications and Policy Recommendations
The legal tolerance of these operations is not indicative of their benign nature. Instead, their ambiguity frustrates attribution, complicates proportional response, and enables strategic erosion without triggering collective defense mechanisms like NATO’s Article 5 (Structural Coercion in Cyberspace, n.d.).
Policy reforms must address:
- The development of international norms that recognize cumulative non-kinetic harm;
- Domestic resilience investments in election integrity, critical infrastructure, and information ecosystems;
- Attribution transparency mechanisms to improve public understanding and diplomatic consensus.
Conclusion
The campaigns of Volt Typhoon and foreign electoral interference in 2024 reflect the reality that low-intensity cyber conflict is now the dominant form of great power competition. These are not isolated incidents but components of sustained, strategic warfare that avoids the battlefield while reshaping the balance of power.
If democracies fail to adapt legally, strategically, and institutionally, structural coercion will become the defining feature of 21st-century conflict, eroding sovereignty without ever firing a shot.
References
CISA. (2023). People’s Republic of China state-sponsored cyber actor living off the land to evade detection. U.S. Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency. People’s Republic of China State-Sponsored Cyber Actor Living off the Land to Evade Detection | CISA
Brookings: How disinformation defined the 2024 election narrative
Structural Coercion in Cyberspace. (n.d.). Why it remains below armed conflict yet constitutes low-intensity warfare[PDF].
Tabletop Wargame: Structural Coercion With Chinese Characteristics. (2024). PRC hybrid campaign targeting U.S. system cohesion and legitimacy [PDF].
UN Charter. (1945). Charter of the United Nations. UN Charter | United Nations
War on the Rocks. (2024). China’s Three Warfares perspective. China’s ‘Three Warfares’ in Perspective
A Physical Security Primer For Lawful, Peaceful Protesting In The United States Today
Introduction
Public protest has always carried physical risk. What has changed is the density, speed, and unpredictability of today’s protest environment. Large crowds form rapidly, law enforcement tactics shift with little warning, vehicles move through mixed-use streets, and bystanders with no stake in the event can become sudden variables. None of this requires bad intent to become dangerous. Most injuries at protests occur not because someone planned harm, but because people were unprepared for how quickly conditions can deteriorate.
This guide exists to address that reality. It is a physical security primer for lawful, peaceful protest, focused on injury prevention, situational awareness, and safe movement before, during, and after an event. It does not advocate confrontation, evasion of law enforcement, or unlawful behavior. It is grounded in the same principles used in crowd safety, emergency management, and occupational health: anticipate hazards, reduce exposure, preserve mobility, and plan exits before you need them.
Physical security at a protest is not about gear, bravado, or “holding ground.” It is about understanding how crowds behave, how stress propagates through a space, and how ordinary environmental factors—heat, fatigue, noise, and confusion, can compound into real harm. A single fall can become a crush injury. A blocked intersection can become a trap. A moment of panic can ripple outward faster than anyone can correct it.
This primer is written for people who want to participate while minimizing preventable risk to themselves and those around them. It emphasizes preparation over reaction, de-escalation over confrontation, and early exit over endurance. It assumes that you may be surrounded by people with different goals, tolerances for risk, and levels of experience, and that your safety is tied to how well you can read and respond to those dynamics.
Nothing in this guide is legal advice. It is not a substitute for local knowledge, medical judgment, or professional training. It is a practical framework intended to help you think clearly under pressure, make conservative decisions when conditions change, and return home safely.
This is not legal advice.
Threat model for physical security at protests
Most real-world harm at protests comes from predictable and recurring categories. Understanding these risks in advance allows participants to make conservative decisions before conditions deteriorate.
Crowd dynamics
Crush injuries, surges, panic waves, stampedes, falls, and loss of mobility are among the most common sources of serious injury at protests. These risks increase rapidly when exits narrow, density increases, or people panic in response to sudden movement, loud noises, or perceived threats. Crowd danger often escalates faster than individuals realize.
Vehicle threats
Risks include accidental traffic contact, hostile or reckless vehicle behavior, and poor perimeter control at intersections. Protesters pinned between vehicles, curbs, and dense crowds face elevated injury risk. Vehicle threats are especially acute at night, during dispersals, or when demonstrations spill into mixed-use streets.
Interpersonal violence
Counter-protester conflict, opportunistic assaults, and flashpoint moments near police lines or barricades can emerge quickly. These incidents often begin with verbal escalation and become physical within seconds, drawing in bystanders who did not intend to engage.
Law enforcement control measures
Crowd-control tactics such as kettling, dispersal orders, physical pushes, and deployment of chemical irritants or impact munitions can affect large numbers of people indiscriminately. Even when you are not the intended target, these measures can cause serious injury, particularly to the head, eyes, and respiratory system. Rapid changes in law enforcement posture are a strong indicator that conditions are becoming unsafe.
Environmental hazards
Heat illness, dehydration, hypothermia, smoke exposure, and poor air quality regularly contribute to medical emergencies at protests. These risks compound under stress, prolonged standing, noise, and limited access to water or shade.
Detention-related risk
Separation from your group, loss of personal property, inability to communicate medical needs, and confusion during detention increase physical and psychological stress. Basic preparation, including knowing how to assert medical needs and having emergency contacts accessible, reduces downstream harm.
Lethal force considerations in the post-ICE incident environment
Recent lethal force incidents involving federal immigration enforcement have changed the physical risk landscape around some protests. When demonstrations occur in the aftermath of, or in proximity to, federal enforcement actions, particularly those involving shootings, the probability of rapid escalation increases even for peaceful participants.
Key characteristics of this risk environment include:
- Heightened emotional volatility: Protests responding to lethal force incidents often involve grief, anger, and fear, which can amplify crowd reactivity and shorten escalation timelines.
- Increased federal presence: Federal agents may operate alongside or independently of local law enforcement, sometimes in unmarked vehicles or less familiar uniforms, complicating situational awareness.
- Different engagement rules: Federal agencies may operate under distinct use-of-force policies and command structures, increasing uncertainty about how situations will be handled.
- Narrative conflict: Public disputes between federal authorities, local officials, and eyewitnesses can fuel mistrust and unpredictability in crowd behavior.
- Expanded tactical posture: Additional deployments, perimeter shifts, or rapid response movements by law enforcement are more likely in the wake of lethal force incidents.
Practical safety implications for protesters:
- Treat areas near active or recent federal enforcement operations as higher-risk zones, even if a protest is peaceful.
- Avoid proximity to law enforcement vehicle movements, arrests, or enforcement activity unrelated to the protest itself.
- Do not assume all armed or tactical personnel are operating under the same rules or command as local police.
- Prioritize distance, visibility, and exits over proximity to flashpoints or symbolic locations.
- Be prepared to leave earlier than planned if enforcement posture changes or crowd emotions spike.
This section is not about intent or legality; it is about risk recognition. Lethal force incidents introduce uncertainty, compressed decision timelines, and a higher consequence floor. Conservative movement, early exit decisions, and avoiding convergence zones are the most reliable ways to reduce exposure.
Physical security objective:
Your physical security goal is not to win a contest, hold ground, or test limits.
It is to reduce exposure to risk, preserve safe movement, maintain communications, and keep clear exit options before you need them.
Pre-protest planning that actually changes outcomes
Decide your personal risk ceiling
Before you go, decide what you will do if:
- the event is declared unlawful,
- police issue dispersal orders,
- crowd density becomes unsafe,
- chemical irritants are deployed,
- counter-protesters arrive, or
- someone in your group is injured.
Having these thresholds in advance prevents bad “in-the-moment” decisions.
Choose a buddy system and a rendezvous plan
- Go with at least one person; designate a “lead” and a “rear” in your micro-group.
- Pick two meetup points: one close and one far (in case the close one becomes blocked).
- Pick a “hard stop time” (a time you leave no matter what). This is basic crowd-risk discipline.
Medical and accessibility plan
- If you have asthma, diabetes, severe allergies, or heat sensitivity, plan around that first. Carry required meds and tell your buddy where they are.
- Heat risk is common in prolonged outdoor actions; CDC/NIOSH guidance emphasizes proactive hydration and recognizing heat illness symptoms.
Clothing and PPE: practical, non-theatrical
This section is about injury prevention and environmental exposure, not escalation.
Footwear and clothing
- Closed-toe shoes with traction (no sandals). Expect broken glass, curb edges, and sprinting in a crowd.
- Long sleeves/pants (as weather allows) reduce abrasions.
- Avoid loose scarves or dangling items that can snag.
Eye protection (high value)
Eye injuries are a major severity driver in crowd-control contexts; even “less-lethal” projectiles and chemical irritants can cause lasting harm. Choose impact-rated eye protection if you can tolerate it. (PMC)
Respiratory considerations
- If you’re sensitive to smoke/irritants or have asthma, a well-fitting mask can help with particulates. Prioritize breathability and fit over theatrics.
Hands and head
- Light gloves can prevent cuts if you fall.
- A basic hat reduces heat load; CDC heat guidance stresses sun mitigation and cooling strategies.
“Carry kit” checklist for physical safety
Keep it small. Mobility is safety.
Core
- Water (and electrolytes if you’ll be out for hours)
- Small first-aid items: bandages, gauze, tape, antiseptic wipes
- Your critical medications (in original container if feasible)
- ID and a small amount of cash
- A portable phone battery
Optional but useful
- Saline solution (for eyes; used for irrigation)
- Earplugs (noise fatigue is real)
- Sunscreen (reapply)
- A simple paper card with emergency contacts and medical notes
The ACLU’s protest guidance emphasizes preparation, documentation of injuries, and practical steps if rights are violated.
Movement discipline: how people avoid getting hurt
Think in “exits,” not “frontlines”
Continuously identify:
- nearest side street,
- nearest open area,
- barriers that could become choke points,
- the direction the crowd is compressing.
If density increases so you cannot freely turn your body or raise your arms, you are entering a crush-risk zone. Leave early.
Avoid the most dangerous geometry
High-risk locations:
- between opposing groups,
- directly in front of police lines,
- against fences/walls, and
- narrow bridges, tunnels, or stairwells.
De-escalation posture
Your physical security is strongly correlated with how “available” you look to conflict:
- keep hands visible,
- do not engage provocations,
- do not run unless there is a clear safety reason (running creates panic waves).
Vehicle risk is real—treat streets as hostile terrain
- At intersections, position yourself so you can move laterally, not just forward/back.
- Avoid being pinned between a crowd and a curb line.
- If marshals are present, follow routing away from active traffic lanes.
This is one of the most overlooked physical risk channels, especially at night.
If crowd-control measures appear
I will keep this high-level and safety-oriented.
Early indicators
- Officers changing formation, bringing out specialized launchers, moving barricades, or issuing repeated amplified instructions.
- Crowd compression near fixed barriers.
What reduces injury probability
- Increase distance from the focal point.
- Move perpendicular to the “pressure gradient” (away from where the crowd is densest).
- Maintain buddy contact; do not let one person become isolated.
Less-lethal systems are widely documented as capable of serious harm; U.S. government and medical literature both describe risks, including head/eye trauma.
Detention and separation: physical-security priorities
If you are stopped or detained:
- Stay calm, do not physically resist, and state clearly if you need medical attention.
- Your rights vary by context, but the ACLU’s general guidance on police encounters and the right to remain silent is a baseline many people rely on.
- Consider carrying the phone number for legal support on paper (many groups recommend this practice). The National Lawyers Guild provides “know your rights” resources oriented to protest contexts. (nlg.org)
Post-protest safety: the part most people skip
Safe exit and decompression
- Leave with your buddy.
- Do a quick injury check: feet, ankles, wrists, eyes, breathing.
- Rehydrate; monitor for heat illness signs after you’re home.
If you were injured or witnessed misconduct
The ACLU advises gathering witness contact info, photographing injuries, and documenting details for later complaints.
Home and personal safety after visibility
If you are concerned about doxxing or harassment after a public action:
- tighten privacy on your public-facing profiles,
- review what your vehicle and home exterior reveal (stickers, visible addresses, etc.),
- coordinate with trusted friends for check-ins for 24–48 hours after high-tension events.
A simple one-page “go / no-go” decision checklist
Do not go (or leave early) if:
- you cannot identify at least two exit routes,
- crowd density is increasing and movement is constrained,
- you are alone and cannot maintain buddy contact,
- you have a medical condition that is destabilizing (heat, asthma flare, etc.),
- the environment is deteriorating (smoke, severe cold, escalating conflict).
Proceed (lower risk) when:
- there is visible route control and open space,
- you have water, meds, and a rendezvous plan,
- you are staying out of choke points and away from flashpoints,
- you can leave quickly without crossing police lines or opposing groups.
Physical Security Playbook for Protesting in Today’s Environment
Informed by Recent ICE-Related Protests and Violent Encounters
Context and Rationale
In early January 2026, the fatal shooting of 37-year-old Renee Nicole Good by a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officer in Minneapolis sparked widespread protests both in Minnesota and across multiple U.S. cities. Demonstrations include rallies in Indianapolis, Philadelphia, Kansas City, and other major population centers demanding accountability and changes to enforcement practices. The incident, captured on video and widely shared online, intensified criticism of federal immigration enforcement and led to heightened tensions between protesters and federal agents. (CBS News)
Additional reported incidents include other federal immigration agents shooting and wounding individuals during enforcement operations, such as in Portland, Oregon, further fueling protest activity and public calls for restraint and transparency. (AP News)
Protesters are responding not only to singular events but to a pattern of aggressive engagements by federal immigration agents that have raised both local and national concerns about excessive force and the safety of peaceful demonstrators. (Just Security)
In this environment, physical security planning is essential, not only to minimize the risk of injury during demonstrations but also to enable lawful expression while avoiding escalation and preventing opportunistic harm.
Core Principles
- Lawful, Non-Confrontational Conduct
Actions should remain peaceful, lawful, and constitutional. Security planning enhances safety, not escalation. - Risk Awareness and Adaptability
Recognize that enforcement dynamics, crowd behavior, and public safety conditions can shift rapidly. - Preparation for Environmental Stress
In high-tension protests, especially those with recent police or federal agent violence, crowd size, police posture, and local policies (curfews, declared assembly zones, dispersal orders) determine the physical conduct of action. - Prioritize De-escalation
Avoid actions that could be construed as threatening, aggressive, or provocative; these increase risk to participants.
Section A: Pre-Protest Physical Security Planning
Site Assessment and Selection
- Reconnoiter the location in advance to identify entry and exit routes, chokepoints, safe havens (e.g., adjacent parks, medical tents), and potential high-risk zones such as federal buildings where heavy enforcement presence may exist.
- Understand terrain limitations: tight corridors, dead ends, narrow sidewalks, and heavy traffic intersections create entrapment risk.
Intelligence on Enforcement Posture
- Monitor local law enforcement and federal agency announcements regarding planned enforcement activity.
- Review recent news coverage (e.g., Minneapolis, Portland incidents) for patterns of federal agent use of force or crowd-control tactics at similar protests.
Team Roles and Responsibilities
- Safety Marshals: trained volunteers responsible for observing crowd dynamics and helping prevent harm.
- Medical Support: volunteers identified in advance with basic first-aid supplies; accessible at designated points.
- Communications Anchor: a person responsible for staying in contact with coordination leads and relaying real-time developments.
Personal Physical Preparedness
- Wear sturdy, comfortable footwear suitable for prolonged standing or movement.
- Dress in layers appropriate to climate, with non-restrictive clothing that facilitates mobility.
- Carry minimal personal items; avoid backpacks or gear that could be grabbed or could impede movement.
- Bring sufficient water and necessary medications; ensure medications are easily accessible.
Section B: On-Site Physical Security Procedures
Situational Awareness and Movement
- Continuously scan the environment quietly and unobtrusively, identify exits, shifts in crowd energy, and approaching enforcement actions.
- Maintain spacing within the crowd that allows for rapid movement; avoid congregating in tight clusters near enforcement lines.
- Establish and communicate multiple escape routes beforehand.
Crowd Flow and Bottleneck Avoidance
- Avoid areas where the crowd is compressed between physical barriers such as fences, walls, or building corners.
- If movement stalls unexpectedly, reposition laterally rather than deeper into the crowd to prevent being trapped.
- Encourage participants to stay near peripheral areas initially and flood toward safer ground if an aggressive tactical response begins.
De-escalation Posture
- Maintain calm body language; avoid gestures that could be misinterpreted as antagonistic.
- Do not engage with counter-protesters or provoke enforcement officers.
- If chanting, do so in ways that highlight peaceful intent (e.g., “Peaceful assembly,” “We stand for justice”).
Section C: Responding to Enforcement Actions
Federal and Local Response Awareness
- Recognize that federal agents (including ICE) sometimes deploy crowd-control tools—pepper balls, tear gas, flash bangs, or physical formations, especially near federal buildings.
- Avoid confrontation lines; withdraw calmly to secure zones if dispersal orders are issued.
Handling Aggressive Tactics
- When tear gas or irritants are deployed:
- Move upwind if possible.
- Cover nose and mouth with cloth if no protective gear is available.
- Blink rapidly; avoid rubbing eyes with hands if contaminated.
- Do not attempt to disarm, seize, or interfere with law enforcement devices; such actions dramatically increase risk.
Legal Orders and Compliance
- Comply precisely with lawful orders to disperse, particularly from clearly identified law enforcement officers.
- If you believe an order is unlawful, comply first and contest later; refusal in the moment increases risk of injury or arrest.
Section D: Group Conduct and Safety Nets
The Buddy System
- Participants should attend in pairs or small groups with pre-defined check-ins.
- Establish a meeting point outside the main protest area if separation occurs.
Communication Signals (COMMS)
- Agree in advance on simple, calm verbal or visual cues to indicate:
- Need to withdraw
- Enforcement action nearby
- Medical emergency
Medical and Legal Support
- Ensure teams know the location of volunteer medics if available.
- Keep a record of local legal observers and emergency contacts.
Section E: After-Action Safety
- After the immediate action, reunite with your group before dispersal.
- Avoid lingering near enforcement apparatus or aggressive crowds.
- Encourage debriefing and reporting on any observed injuries or threats; community reporting can assist in accountability efforts.
Section F: Special Considerations for ICE-Related Protests
Given recent incidents involving federal immigration enforcement, including the fatal shooting of Renee Nicole Good and subsequent multi-city protests, organizers and participants should be cognizant of:
- Heightened tensions at federal enforcement sites and near courthouses.
- Rapid mobilization of protests following news of violence by federal agents, sometimes in multiple states on the same day.
- The potential for federal agents to be present beyond routine local police, including in riot gear or crowd-control formations. This may change the dynamic of street safety even for peaceful demonstrations.
Summary Checklist: Physical Security
Before
- Assess site, exits, and terrain.
- Assign roles and safety teams.
- Prepare personal gear and hydration.
- Learn enforcement patterns in the area.
During
- Maintain situational awareness.
- Avoid confined spaces or crowd compression.
- Withdraw calmly at the first sign of aggressive tactics.
After
- Reunite with a group and disperse methodically.
- Document any injuries or unusual enforcement conduct.
- Debrief for future planning.
This document is intended to be integrated with broader protest planning materials and updated as conditions on the ground evolve. It reflects the current environment of heightened protest activity around ICE actions and aims to give lawful protesters practical guidance to reduce physical risk in volatile contexts.
A practical Technical Security playbook oriented toward lawful, peaceful protest in the United States.
Designed to reduce avoidable risk from surveillance, device seizure, data exposure, doxxing, and opportunistic violence, without advising wrongdoing or evasion of lawful processes.
This is not legal advice.
Introduction
Public protest has always carried risk. What has changed in recent years is the density and permanence of that risk. Surveillance is no longer exceptional or episodic; it is ambient. Data collection is not limited to state actors; it is embedded in consumer devices, platforms, cameras, and data markets that operate continuously before, during, and long after a protest ends. At the same time, enforcement environments have become less predictable, accountability less certain, and post-event retaliation, through doxxing, employment pressure, or targeted harassment are more common. For many participants, the most serious consequences now occur after they have gone home.
This document is written for that reality.
It does not assume criminal intent, nor does it advocate evasion of lawful authority. It assumes lawful, peaceful protest conducted in an environment where risk is unevenly distributed, rules may be applied selectively, and mistakes compound quickly across technical, physical, and personal domains. In such conditions, safety is not achieved through any single tactic or tool. It is achieved through discipline, preparation, and an understanding that phones, bodies, identities, and communities are all part of the same security system.
The playbook that follows treats technical security, physical safety, operational behavior, and personal exposure as inseparable. A compromised phone can lead to compromised relationships. A moment of physical isolation can create lasting digital consequences. An impulsive post can undo hours of careful on-the-ground decision-making. Conversely, small, well-chosen precautions, clear threat modeling, device hardening, role clarity, exit planning, can dramatically reduce harm without diminishing the expressive or democratic purpose of protest.
This document is intentionally conservative. It favors risk reduction over bravado, exit options over endurance, and community protection over individual visibility. It is designed to be useful to first-time protesters and experienced organizers alike, adaptable across roles, and readable without technical specialization. Where possible, it consolidates guidance from established civil-liberties, digital-rights, and safety organizations into a single, coherent framework.
Above all, this playbook starts from a simple premise: the goal of protest is not merely to show up, but to return safely, with your autonomy, relationships, and future intact. Everything that follows is in service of that outcome.
Start with a threat model (10 minutes that changes everything)
Before you optimize tactics, define what you are protecting and from whom.
Assets at risk:
Your identity, your contacts, your location history, message content and metadata, photos and video (yours and others’), and your online accounts.
Likely threats at protests:
Device loss or theft, device confiscation, account compromise, location tracking via routine phone telemetry, large-scale video capture, social media OSINT, and post-event doxxing campaigns. These threat categories; loss, confiscation, disruption, and targeted surveillance, are explicitly identified by Amnesty International.
Constraints:
Local laws and policies (mask restrictions, curfews, dispersal orders), your role (organizer, medic, marshal, journalist, attendee), and your risk tolerance.
This threat model determines whether you should bring a smartphone at all. Multiple civil-liberties organizations recommend considering leaving it at home if feasible.
TECHSEC: Hardening your phone so seizure or loss is less catastrophic
CAVEAT: BURN PHONES
Much has been said about obtaining a “Burn Phone” if you plan on protesting. While this might be a prudent measure, there are a few things you must do in order to insure the security you are attempting to create by getting one.
- First, pay with cash, do not have a paper trail from purchase
- Disguise yourself as much as possible when purchasing, avoid cameras, phones can be tracked all the way back to purchase
- Understand that this device is a throwaway, no personal data should reside on it.
- Do not load your apps you use every day
- Keep the contacts empty and always erase call logs if possible
- Do not assume that buying a new SIM card means your phone isn’t trackable. Each use should be its only use.
- Follow all of the rules below for the burn phone just as you would for your personal to minimize risk.
Device encryption and lock discipline (highest ROI)
- Ensure full-device encryption is enabled. Modern iOS and many Android devices encrypt by default when a passcode is set.
- Use a strong passcode (long PIN or alphanumeric) and set auto-lock to a short interval.
- Disable biometric unlock (Face ID, fingerprint) before arrival. Biometrics can be physically compelled in ways a passcode typically cannot.
(Encryption, passcodes, biometrics guidance: ACLU of DC)
Minimize exposed data on the lock screen
- Disable lock-screen message previews.
- Remove sensitive widgets (calendar, email snippets, smart-home controls).
Reduce radios and location leakage when not actively needed
- Use airplane mode when not communicating to reduce emitted signals and routine location updates.
- Turn off Bluetooth and Wi-Fi unless actively required.
- Use a reliable Faraday bag after putting the phone in airplane mode and turning off Bluetooth and Wi-Fi. Keep the device in the Faraday bag until far enough away from the event before taking it out and turning it back on.
(Radio and signal-reduction guidance consolidated from ACLU of DC and World Justice Project toolkits)
Pre-protest data minimization
- Back up your phone beforehand so it can be wiped and restored if needed.
- Remove or sign out of high-risk apps (primary email, banking, password managers) if not required onsite.
- Update the operating system and critical apps before you go.
(Backup and update guidance consolidated from protest safety toolkits)
COMMS OPSEC: Make coordination resilient and reduce collateral exposure
Prefer end-to-end encrypted messaging for coordination.
Signal is widely recommended in protest safety guides as an additional layer of protection.
Group hygiene to prevent cascade compromise
- Keep logistics in small, role-based groups (marshals, medics, legal observers), not mass chats.
- Use disappearing messages for operational chatter when appropriate, balancing legal and accountability needs.
- Treat anything sent digitally as potentially shareable later.
Non-digital fallback
- Agree on a rally point, an exit route, and a check-in time in case of network disruption.
(Encrypted comms and fallback planning consolidated from Amnesty and allied civil-liberties guidance)
PERSEC: Protect identity, relationships, and your wider community
Many harms occur after protests through doxxing, employer pressure, stalking, and targeted harassment.
Identity compartmentation
- Keep protest planning separate from personal accounts and personal devices when feasible.
- Avoid using primary social accounts for logistics; reserve them for public advocacy only.
Photography and community privacy
- Do not publish images that identify other attendees without consent (faces, tattoos, unique clothing, license plates).
- Strip location metadata before sharing images; treat live posting as a location broadcast.
Post-event doxxing resilience
- Lock down social profiles.
- Remove public phone numbers and addresses.
- Enable strong two-factor authentication.
- Expect adversarial OSINT: minor visual details can triangulate identity.
On-the-ground OPSEC: Reduce risk from chaos, confusion, and escalation
Buddy system and role clarity
- Attend with at least one trusted person and designate a communications anchor.
- If separated, go to the fallback point rather than searching.
Situational awareness without paranoia
- Identify exits, bottlenecks, and kettling risks.
- Avoid confrontations; risk spikes when you are isolated, emotionally escalated, or near flashpoints.
Documentation and rights
- Know your rights regarding protest activity and police interactions.
- Save protester-rights guidance for reference.
(Rights guidance consolidated under ACLU national resources)
PHYSICAL SECURITY: Reduce Risk of Injury, Isolation, and Opportunistic Violence
This section addresses bodily safety and crowd dynamics, not confrontation or escalation.
Personal Physical Readiness
- Dress for mobility and endurance; avoid restrictive clothing.
- Bring water, weather protection, and required medications.
- Avoid carrying unnecessary items that limit movement.
Crowd Safety and Movement
- Identify exits, open spaces, and bottlenecks early.
- Avoid compressed areas where movement is constrained.
- Monitor changes in crowd energy and enforcement posture.
De-Escalation and Exposure Control
- Do not engage counter-protesters, agitators, or law enforcement beyond what is legally required.
- Avoid flashpoints and escalation zones whenever possible.
- Leave early if conditions deteriorate; do not wait for certainty.
Medical and Emergency Awareness
- Know where volunteer medics or first-aid points are located, if present.
- If injured, overwhelmed, or disoriented, disengage and seek assistance rather than pushing forward.
If your phone is taken, lost, or you are detained: reduce blast radius
- A strong passcode plus encryption remains the core safeguard.
- Assume unlocked devices expose all on-device data.
- After any incident, rotate credentials for critical accounts and review access logs.
(Device seizure guidance consolidated under ACLU DC and EFF resources)
A Reusable quick checklist before you go
Before
- Update OS and apps.
- Back up device.
- Enable encryption, set strong passcode, disable biometrics.
- Hide lock-screen previews and remove sensitive widgets.
- Configure and test secure communications.
- Remove unnecessary sensitive apps and data.
During
- Use airplane mode when not actively communicating.
- Keep Bluetooth and Wi-Fi off unless needed.
- Stay with buddy and follow pre-planned meet points.
After
- Review and remove posts that expose others.
- Rotate passwords if anything felt off.
- Debrief and update your threat model.
Appendix A
Protest Safety, Security, and Privacy Playbooks (United States)
Scope: Lawful, non-violent protest activity
Purpose: Reference directory of vetted, publicly available guidance covering digital security (TECHSEC), personal and organizational security (OPSEC/PERSEC), physical safety, surveillance awareness, and legal rights.
A.1 Digital & Technical Security (TECHSEC)
Digital Security Guidelines for Protests
American Friends Service Committee
Use case: Consult before attending a protest to prepare your phone, reduce stored data, and understand digital risks across the full protest lifecycle.
Digital Security Guidelines for Protests | American Friends Service Committee
Surveillance Self-Defense
Electronic Frontier Foundation
Use case: Reference when you need deeper technical explanations of encryption, secure messaging, metadata, and surveillance threats beyond protest-specific summaries.
Digital Safety Practices for Protesters (PDF)
ReconcilingWorks
Use case: Use as a printable or offline guide for step-by-step phone and communication safety before, during, and after protest activity.
Activist Digital Security & Preparedness Checklist
ActivistChecklist.org
Use case: Use as a quick pre-protest and post-protest checklist when time or attention is limited.
Prepare for a Protest | Digital Security Checklists for Activists
A.2 Privacy & Surveillance Countermeasures
How to Defend Against Police Surveillance at Protests
ACLU of the District of Columbia
Use case: Consult when preparing for protests in heavily policed or camera-dense environments where device seizure or surveillance is a concern.
How to Defend Against Police Surveillance at Protests – ACLU of DC
Protest Surveillance Overview
Surveillance Technology Oversight Project
Use case: Read to understand what surveillance technologies may be deployed against protesters and how collection often extends beyond the event itself.
Protest Surveillance — S.T.O.P.
A.3 Legal Rights & Physical Safety
Protesters’ Rights
American Civil Liberties Union
Use case: Reference before attending a protest to understand your constitutional rights, police powers, and how to respond during encounters.
Protesters’ Rights | American Civil Liberties Union
Peaceful Protest & Protest Safety Resources (PDF)
The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights
Use case: Use as a consolidated legal and physical safety reference when planning or supporting larger demonstrations involving many participants.
Tips for Preparedness, Peaceful Protesting, and Safety
Human Rights Campaign
Use case: Consult for general preparedness, wellbeing, and situational awareness guidance, especially for first-time protesters.
Tips for Preparedness, Peaceful Protesting, and Safety
A.4 Journalism, Documentation, and Observer Safety
A Journalist’s Guide to Safely and Responsibly Covering Protests
Lenfest Institute for Journalism
Use case: Use when documenting protests to balance safety, ethics, legal exposure, and protection of subjects.
How to Protest Safely: Gear, Tips, and What to Do
WIRED
Use case: Read for a high-level overview of physical preparation and situational safety when you need accessible, non-technical guidance.
Protesting Tips: What to Bring, How to Act, How to Stay Safe | WIRED
A.5 Legal Environment & Policy Tracking
U.S. Protest Law Tracker
International Center for Not-for-Profit Law
Use case: Consult when assessing legal risk by state or tracking changes in protest-related laws over time.
A.6 Notes on Use
- These resources are complementary, not interchangeable.
- Technical security guidance should always be paired with legal and physical safety awareness.
- Local conditions and laws vary and should be checked prior to action.
- This appendix is intended as a reference library, not tactical instruction.
BGP Activity as an Enabling or Supporting Effect in Venezuela Power-Grid Disruption
Analytic Note
Subject: BGP Activity as an Enabling or Supporting Effect in Venezuela Power-Grid Disruption
Classification: UNCLASSIFIED / OSINT
Date: January 2026
Analytic Confidence: Moderate (infrastructure telemetry is strong; intent attribution remains low confidence)
Executive Summary
Observed BGP route-leak anomalies involving Venezuela’s primary telecom provider (CANTV, AS8048) occurred in temporal proximity to major infrastructure disruptions. While BGP manipulation alone cannot directly disable electrical generation or transmission, available evidence supports the assessment that routing instability plausibly functioned as an enabling or compounding effect, degrading communications, situational awareness, or coordination during a broader crisis.
At present, no conclusive evidence proves deliberate offensive use of BGP. However, the structure, scope, and timing of the anomalies justify continued investigation into whether routing manipulation was used intentionally as part of a multi-domain effects operation, rather than being a purely accidental misconfiguration.
Confirmed Observations (High Confidence)

- Cloudflare Radar and routing telemetry identified route-leak anomalies involving AS8048 (CANTV), with atypical AS-path behavior and announcements routed through external transit providers.
- A constrained prefix set was affected, notably eight prefixes within 200.74.224.0/20, registered to Dayco Telecom (Caracas).
- During the anomaly window, telemetry showed:
- A spike in BGP announcements, and
- A reduction in announced IP address space, consistent with partial withdrawal or instability.
- The affected address space overlaps with telecom, financial, ISP, and messaging infrastructure, which are operationally critical during power-grid incidents.
These observations establish routing instability, not intent.
Analytic Judgments
Judgment 1
BGP activity did not directly cause the Venezuelan power outage.
Confidence: High
Power-grid failures require physical, OT, or control-system disruptions. Internet routing manipulation alone cannot trip generators, destroy transformers, or collapse transmission networks.
Judgment 2
BGP instability likely degraded communications during the crisis.
Confidence: Moderate–High
Telecom networks underpin grid operations, emergency coordination, outage management, and restoration logistics. Partial reachability loss or routing asymmetry affecting Caracas-based infrastructure would materially hinder response efforts.
Judgment 3
The constrained and clustered nature of affected prefixes is atypical for random global BGP noise.
Confidence: Moderate
While accidental route leaks are common, tight geographic and organizational clustering raises the probability that the impact was selective, even if the trigger was misconfiguration rather than hostile intent.
Judgment 4
Deliberate BGP manipulation as part of a layered effects operation is plausible but unproven.
Confidence: Low–Moderate
Public statements referencing “layering different effects” conceptually align with BGP being used as a communications-shaping or intelligence-support layer, but no direct evidence ties the routing event to an offensive command decision.
Hypotheses (Not Mutually Exclusive)
H1 — Accidental Route Leak Under Crisis Conditions
Assessment:
A benign policy error or misconfiguration within AS8048 or a peer caused a route leak that coincided with broader instability.
Indicators Supporting H1
- Route leaks are globally frequent.
- No sustained interception or long-duration rerouting observed.
- Rapid normalization would favor this explanation.
H2 — Communications Degradation as a Shaping Effect
Assessment:
Routing instability—intentional or not—selectively impaired key Caracas networks, slowing coordination and situational awareness during the outage.
Indicators Supporting H2
- Tight prefix clustering.
- Impact on telecom-adjacent and institutional services.
- Observable reduction in announced IP space.
H3 — BGP-Enabled Intelligence Preparation or Traffic Observation
Assessment:
Short-lived routing anomalies were used to observe or map critical communications paths during a crisis window.
Indicators Supporting H3
- Unusual AS-path prepending behavior.
- Transit through major international carriers.
- Would likely be brief to avoid detection.
Key Caveat: No public evidence of TLS interception, credential compromise, or persistent MITM currently supports this hypothesis.
H4 Deliberate Noise or Decoy Activity
Assessment:
Routing anomalies functioned primarily as analytic distraction, drawing attention away from physical sabotage, OT compromise, or telecom infrastructure failure.
Indicators Supporting H4
- High visibility, low explanatory power.
- Lack of follow-on routing exploitation.
H5 Integrated Multi-Domain Effects
Assessment:
BGP activity was one component in a broader set of cyber, informational, telecom, or physical actions designed to constrain response options.
Indicators Supporting H5
- Alignment with known “effects-layering” doctrines.
- Requires corroboration from non-BGP domains (satcom, cellular core, OT logs).
Collection Gaps
To advance confidence, the following gaps must be addressed:
- Prefix-level reachability measurements from multiple global vantage points during the incident window.
- NetFlow / path data showing whether traffic was merely dropped or actually transited alternate AS paths.
- TLS / certificate telemetry indicating possible interception.
- Utility and telecom incident logs correlating comms loss with operational decision points.
- Historical baseline behavior for AS8048, including normal prepending patterns and peer relationships.
Priority Intelligence Requirements (PIRs)
- Did any utility, telecom, or government operator credentials show anomalous access during or immediately after the routing event?
- Were outage restoration timelines measurably delayed due to loss of IP-based communications?
- Did the affected prefixes host operator-facing services (VPNs, NOCs, dispatch systems) rather than public-facing content?
- Are similar BGP anomalies observable before or during other infrastructure crises in the region?
Bottom Line
The most defensible analytic position is that BGP instability acted as a stress/force multiplier, not a root cause. Whether that instability was accidental, opportunistic, or deliberately induced remains unresolved. However, the event demonstrates that internet routing is a viable enabling layer in modern infrastructure disruption scenarios, particularly when telecom resilience is weak and crisis coordination depends heavily on IP networks.
THE KRAMPUS LIST 2025: AI APOCALYPSE EDITION
By Krypt3ia, Patron Saint of Bitter CTI Commentary
There is a particular stink that rolls in every December. It is part stale eggnog, part scorched plastic from LED decorations nobody with a functioning brain ever wanted, and part ozone crackle from yet another AI model promising to revolutionize everything while quietly siphoning the emotional scraps of eight billion hairless primates. You smell it before you admit it. The season is dying. The architecture of the year collapses like an unpatched Exchange server. And when the last trace of forced cheer rots off the bone, that is when I hear it.
Chains.
Bells.
Hooves.
Not metaphorical. Not poetic. Real. Heavy. Slow. The deliberate footfall of an alpine debt collector who works one month a year and still accomplishes more moral bookkeeping than every ethics committee in Silicon Valley combined.
Krampus is awake, and he is very, very pissed.
I do not summon him. I do not need to. I simply stand in the frozen dark and wait for the horned bastard to stomp out of whatever cursed dimension he winters in. He drags that enormous sack behind him. This year it is not filled with children. It is filled with the bloated silhouettes of 2025’s worst offenders, all tied up like overdue accounts in some infernal ledger that balances suffering instead of currency.
He does not look at me. I am not the point. I am only the miserable chronicler who gets front row seats while Krampus repossesses the souls of CEOs, AI prophets, surveillance peddlers, and the tech warlords who think a well phrased apology on LinkedIn counts as repentance.
When the sack finally hits the ground, the snow trembles. The forest holds its breath. The shapes inside begin to twitch. And one by one they climb out to face the judgment they have been earning all year.
THE PARADE OF TECHNICAL SINNERS
The first to rise is Sam Altman. He glows faintly like a fluorescent tube flickering at the end of its warranty. He talks about safety again. He talks about alignment again. Krampus rolls his eyes so hard the temperature drops two degrees. Sam promises to save humanity while quietly bolting the lab door behind him. Krampus stares at him the way a parent stares at a child who has drawn on the wall again. A long, disappointed silence hangs between them.
Next is Dario Amodei, calm enough to be suspicious. He talks about constitutions for machines. Krampus studies him like someone examining a mold sample on bread that is somehow also sentient. The man speaks of ethical guardrails while refusing to publish the diagram. Krampus sighs long and deep. It is the sigh of someone who knows he will see this man again next year.
Emad Mostaque rolls out like a bankruptcy notice in human form. A walking metaphor for overpromise and underdeliver. Stability AI imploded so hard it left a dent in the open source community. Krampus looks at him with the pity reserved for circus accidents.
Mustafa Suleyman appears next. Smooth. Efficient. Corporate to the bone. He talks about personal AI and the transformative power of assistants. Krampus looks at him with the expression of someone who has witnessed many transformations and most of them involved screaming.
Elon Musk lands like a meteor. Loud. Disruptive. Talking before he touches ground. Krampus presses one hoof on his chest to shut him up. Elon tries to explain why deepfake laws violate freedom of expression. Krampus growls one word in reply. The word is unacceptable. The forest agrees.
Jensen Huang emerges wearing leather, radiating the confidence of a man who sells GPUs for the price of a medium sized nation. Krampus remains unimpressed. He has met warlords with less appetite for resource control.
Satya Nadella steps forward with corporate serenity leaking from every pore. He speaks softly about innovation. Krampus waves him away. Anyone responsible for forcing AI into Microsoft Word cannot be trusted unsupervised.
Sundar Pichai lingers near the treeline as if trying to avoid an antitrust lawsuit by hiding behind a branch. Krampus gives him a look of profound skepticism.
Tim Cook arrives smelling like polished aluminum. He whispers the word privacy as if it is a sacred chant. Krampus leans in close. Siri whispers back. Krampus writes his name down twice.
Mark Zuckerberg materializes like a glitch in a software demo. He claims the metaverse is thriving. Krampus stares at him as if handed a pamphlet written by cultists. Zuckerberg never blinks. Krampus worries for him.
Andy Jassy appears with the demeanor of a man who would fire his reflection if it saved a nickel. Krampus glares. Jassy mutters about efficiency. Krampus mutters about basic humanity. The two ideas never meet.
Shou Zi Chew smiles politely. Krampus sighs. Not personal. Just structural.
Peter Thiel arrives looking like a vampire who interned at a defense startup. His presence darkens the area and even the trees lean away as if offended by his carbon footprint. He steps forward with the calm confidence of a man who believes God, Satan, and the Federal Reserve should all be privatized.
He adjusts his coat as if preparing for another keynote about the Devil and artificial intelligence, a topic he milks across endless speaking engagements where he warns that AI is either Lucifer’s cleverest trick or God’s new business model. Sometimes both. He talks like a TED Talk possessed by an Old Testament ghost cum sideshow performer.
Krampus listens for a moment, expression flat, patience collapsing. Thiel launches into a speech about angels, silicon, and Series A salvation. Krampus looks at him the way a hungry goat looks at an unguarded garden, already plotting the optimal damage path.
When Thiel smiles with the serenity of someone untouched by the consequences of his own ideas, Krampus finally puts one hoof down hard enough to shake the ground. The message is clear. Thiel shuts up.
Krampus nudges him to the front of the naughty queue with silent inevitability. No ceremony. No anger. Just judgment. Thiel walks with the smug confidence of someone who thinks he has outsmarted God.
Krampus watches him go with a disgusted stare that suggests even the Devil would reject his resume on cultural fit alone.
Larry Ellison wears sunglasses even though it is night. He carries the aura of a man who would centralize the world’s medical data in an unsecured Azure instance and call it a feature. Krampus grips his horns in frustration.
THE SPYWARE SYNDICATE
Shalev Hulio from NSO hits the snow like a corrupted attachment.
Idan Nurick from Paragon insists his spyware is ethical. Krampus laughs. It is not a pleasant laugh.
Tal Dilian slinks out like malware that will not uninstall.
Hoan Ton That of Clearview starts scanning faces immediately. Krampus swats him.
Alex Karp begins talking about data fusion with the glazed intensity of a man who has not spoken to a non government entity in ten years. Krampus signals for silence, and when Karp does not notice, the demon considers sending him to a place where even Palantir cannot track the pieces.
Thomas Hogan from Cellebrite looks guilty just by existing.
Fog Data Science appears as a pile of location data that reforms into a person only when threatened.
Geolitica claims it predicted this entire scene. Krampus looks skeptical.
THE OVERCONFIDENT UPSTARTS
Arthur Mensch of Mistral arrives acting as if he deserves a parade.
Noam Shazeer arrives flanked by chatbots with questionable emotional boundaries.
Alexandr Wang of Scale AI arrives carrying the grievances of every underpaid annotator on the planet.
Krampus narrows his eyes.
THE DEFENSE INDUSTRIAL GOLDEN CHILD
Palmer Luckey bursts out of the sack like a drone strike given human shape. He lands in the snow with the same kinetic enthusiasm his machines use when visiting hostile airspace. He grins with the joy of a child who has just discovered a loophole in international law and figured out how to monetize it. His whole posture radiates the smug confidence of someone who truly believes Geneva Conventions are more of a suggestion than a treaty.
Krampus watches this in silence. Not fear. Not caution. Just the stunned appreciation a seasoned torturer gives to an apprentice who somehow invented a new form of cruelty by accident. Palmer adjusts his jacket, which looks suspiciously like it was sewn from the torn upholstery of a Pentagon black project. Then he strikes a pose that suggests he is waiting for a camera drone to swoop in and capture his hero angle for a magazine cover that should really be filed under dystopian satire.
He starts talking. Of course he does. He talks about autonomous battle platforms and next generation deterrence. He talks about innovation at the edge of legality. He talks about turning war into a fast moving consumer product. His voice carries the cheerful tone of someone explaining a new video game mechanic while ignoring the fact that real people will be exploded by it.
Krampus squints at him as if trying to determine whether this creature is actually human or some strange Silicon Valley homunculus assembled in a garage by libertarians with a soldering iron. The demon leans closer and inhales. He smells burning circuitry, venture capital, and the faint ammonia sting of military procurement paperwork. He smells the future, and he does not like it.
Palmer keeps grinning. He cannot stop. It is the smile of a kid who won the science fair by accidentally creating a weapon system. It is unblinking. It is unnerving. It is the smile of someone who believes disruption should apply equally to industries, ethics, and the physical safety of entire regions.
Krampus finally lifts his giant quill and writes Palmer’s name in very large letters. So large the ink freezes into the snow. So large that even the reindeer look concerned. It is not a name on the naughty list. It is a warning label.
Krampus stares at him for one long moment. A moment so cold that even Luckey’s eternal optimism falters. Then the demon nods once in the way a seasoned executioner nods at a condemned prince. A gesture that means you are important, but not in the way you think.
Palmer Luckey stands there smiling, looking pleased with himself in the dim glow of the northern lights, unaware that Krampus has just marked him as one of the most dangerous people of the year.
It is not personal.
It is simply accurate.
THE FINAL RECKONING
Krampus looks at the assembled mass of offenders. The CEOs. The innovators. The disruptors. The surveillance profiteers. The synthetic sugar prophets of artificial intelligence. The war tech wunderkind. The startups that should have been left in private beta. He shakes the snow from his fur and makes a single guttural noise.
Enough.
The forest goes quiet.
The snow settles.
The year ends.
RISK ASSESSMENT: POTENTIAL BLOCKS TO THE RELEASE OF THE EPSTEIN FILES
Now, before you all get excited about those Epstein files….
Just know that not only are the things below probable, but, remember who has had control of the data (e.g. Bondi, Kash, etc) and that it’s been manhandled a lot already. I would trust little of what comes out because this administration is one of the most corrupt in history.
1. Executive-Level Reversal or Reinterpretation
Risk Level: High
Description: Public announcements or signing events are often symbolic. Later, the administration may cite new intelligence briefings, legal advice, or “unintended scope” to reinterpret what was actually authorized.
Impact: Substantial—could halt or indefinitely suspend release.
Drivers:
• Advisors warning of political fallout
• Reassessment of exposure to allies, donors, or staff
• Claim of misunderstanding of the order’s effect
2. Inter-Agency Redaction Disputes
Risk Level: High
Description: Agencies such as DOJ, FBI, DHS, or CIA may disagree on what can be safely released. These disputes are a common reason disclosures stall.
Impact: Delay ranging from months to years.
Drivers:
• Conflicting equities between intelligence and law enforcement
• Disagreement over classified HUMINT/SIGINT sources
• Protection of foreign partner intelligence
3. Invocation of National Security Exemptions
Risk Level: Medium–High
Description: Portions of the files may be deemed sensitive due to foreign intelligence relationships, ongoing operations, or covert programs indirectly brushed by the case.
Impact: Could justify withholding the majority of pages, or releasing heavily redacted versions.
Drivers:
• International cooperation notes
• Sensitive surveillance programs tied to related investigations
• Covert asset names or methods
4. Privacy Act and Victim Protection Issues
Risk Level: Medium
Description: Agencies may assert that identifying details of living individuals—victims, witnesses, or even uncharged third parties, require further legal review or court orders.
Impact: Delay; release may be partial or phased.
Drivers:
• Risk of doxxing, harassment, defamation
• Conflicts with sealed civil filings
• Conflict with protective orders
5. Ongoing or Newly Initiated Investigations
Risk Level: Medium
Description: Authorities may claim the files intersect with active investigations into human trafficking, financial crimes, or related co-conspirators.
Impact: Could suspend release indefinitely.
Drivers:
• New investigative leads
• Coordination with state-level cases
• Federal grand jury restrictions
6. Foreign Government Intervention
Risk Level: Medium
Description: If documents include references to foreign nationals, passports, intelligence liaisons, or VIPs, foreign governments may request delay or redaction.
Impact: Moderate but politically sensitive; could justify narrowing the release.
Drivers:
• Diplomatic fallout
• Protection of foreign dignitaries or intelligence partners
• Embarrassing political connections
7. Executive Privilege or Legal Counsel Review
Risk Level: Medium
Description: White House Counsel may argue that files intersect with privileged communications or require additional executive-branch review.
Impact: Moderate; could reshape or slow down release.
Drivers:
• Risk of exposing internal decision-making processes
• Protection of aides or former administration officials
• Reinterpretation of what “release” entails
8. Mechanical / Administrative Delay Tactics
Risk Level: Medium
Description: Agencies can slow-roll through procedural obstacles without explicitly refusing release.
Impact: High in practice; delays can stretch beyond the administration’s term.
Examples of Mechanisms:
• Claiming “unexpected volume” or “digitization delay”
• FOIA-style queues
• Redaction workflow bottlenecks
• Records integrity checks
9. Strategic Political Timing
Risk Level: Medium
Description: Release may be delayed for political calculus—avoiding proximity to elections, major news cycles, or sensitive diplomatic events.
Impact: Could push release to a symbolic or negligible window.
Drivers:
• Avoiding negative press cycles
• Protecting political allies
• Using timing to maximize political leverage
10. Controlled Release or Partial Disclosure
Risk Level: Medium
Description: Administration may technically “release” documents but withhold the core sensitive material via heavy redaction or selective document sets.
Impact: High—public release appears completed but yields little substantive information.
Drivers:
• Managing optics
• Satisfying legal obligations without full transparency
• Limiting political damage
Overall Likelihood of Full, Unredacted Release
Assessment:
A fully unredacted, immediately available release is low likelihood.
A partially redacted or strategically delayed release is high likelihood.
