Did we talk about the Democratic convention on here yet? It's been such a weird year in so many ways. Too often I find myself falling behind the noise before I can write enough of it down. That's not good. Keeping good notes on this website has been such a useful tool for me in just holding it together over the years, I am afraid if I let it go for too long I might dissociate completely from reality. Maybe that wouldn't be such a bad thing....
Oh wait. Here it is. Just a quick summary because I was probably in a hurry.
But one theme the Democrats pushed relentlessly was Joe Biden's capacity
for "empathy." In Zoom video after dimly lit Zoom video, speakers
testified about the times Joe personally had reached out to someone to
let them know how well he understood their trauma, how much he cared
about and validated their pain. Almost nothing was said about what he
planned to do about any of it. In fact, one may have come away from the
convention with the impression that nothing can be done. It's a
strange thing to offer to voters but it does seem to be in line with the
Democratic brand.
They're basically saying, yeah we know, your life sucks right now. Look at Joe. He's out there feeling your pain. He understands. Meanwhile the policy program is full of little ways to make it easier for you to get used to and cope with the shittiness. We're not out to change the shitty conditions. We're here to valorize your experience of suffering through them.
The hallmarks of this ideology of free market fatalism are visible throughout the mainstream of the Democratic Party. For example, the same tone was easily detectable in Mayor Cantrell's "State of the City" address delivered just around the time of the convention this year.
“We are all well-versed in the unwavering focus, the hope, and the
strength it takes to rebuild from what can seem like disaster,” she
said. “I’m here to deliver a message of hope and point the way forward
to our future beyond this pandemic.”
The
city is now five months past the initial outbreak, which trailed a
range of side effects including rampant unemployment and evictions and a
city budget now estimated to be more than $100 million in the red.
Frequently harkening back to the 1853 yellow fever pandemic, which
claimed 8,000 lives, and other, more recent tragedies, Cantrell framed
the city and its people as among the most capable of rising to the
challenge the current crisis presents.
“We are no strangers to
trauma and disruption, you know better than me,” Cantrell said, noting
next week will be the 15-year anniversary of the levee failures and
flooding set off by Hurricane Katrina.
Again, the message is, our lives are marked by trauma but the mayor knows it and wants us to have "hope." What, specifically, should we hope for? Well, it's murky. She says we shouldn't have to worry about making rent. But her policy response is embedded in trickle-down economics and charitable fundraising projects administered by private non-profits. And, above all else, great pains are taken to ensure we do not saddle our landlords with worries of their own.
Acknowledging a tripling in the eviction rate, Cantrell touted
various rental assistance programs — including a fundraising effort by
the nonprofit set up for her transition into office — and said she is
fighting for federal assistance.
“The time of a pandemic is not
the time for our people to lay awake at night wondering how to make next
month’s rent,” Cantrell said. “It is also not the time for landlords to
face missing mortgage payments or losing investments they spent a
lifetime to build.”
The Dem convention and Cantrell's speech took place a week prior to the 15th anniversary of Hurricane Katrina's arrival in New Orleans. That week, a New York Times feature called attention to the long term effects of that disaster and what everyone should know by now are the harmful consequences of the unjust and ineffectual "recovery" policies implemented in its wake. Sorry to pull such a long quote here.
Pre-Katrina, there was already a considerable shortage of affordable housing in New Orleans.
The situation has only become worse, as many of the affordable units
the city had were never rebuilt after the storm and the urban core
became whiter and wealthier.
New Orleans now has roughly 33,000 fewer affordable housing units than it needs, according to HousingNOLA,
a local research and advocacy group. There are opportunities in every
corner of the city to fix this, argued Andreanecia Morris, the executive
director of HousingNOLA, when we met in her office in Mid-City on South
Carrollton Avenue.
Most New Orleanians are renters.
Pre-Katrina, the market rate for a one-bedroom apartment was around $578
monthly. It has roughly doubled since then, meaning a full-time worker
must now earn about $18 per hour to afford a one-bedroom apartment.
Real
wages, however, have stalled, and many of the places that employ New
Orleanians remain closed. Tens of thousands of workers in the city’s
beloved music, drinks, food and tourism businesses — who were the most
likely to lose their livelihoods both after the storm and now during the
pandemic — make a minimum wage of $7.25.
In some other cities, Ms. Morris
explained, unaffordable rent “is the result of a housing stock shortage,
but in New Orleans we have a vacancy rate of about 20 percent!” In
total, there are about 37,700 vacant units. I could feel it biking and
driving through the curvilinear streets that weave from the river to the
lake, passing by elegant, unfilled properties on otherwise vibrant
blocks, then by neatly rebuilt houses sitting lonely in areas frozen in
2007: three empty lots for every six homes you see.
Residents
like Terence Blanchard, the Grammy Award-winning trumpeter, who resides
in a thriving midcentury neighborhood along Bayou St. John, live this
dichotomy. “People talk about the recovery,” he told me as we stood on
his dock overlooking the water and City Park. “But if you go to my mom’s
house in Pontchartrain Park, there was no real recovery.”
The federal
housing vouchers mostly known by the shorthand “Section 8” — which
subsidize rent payments above 30 percent of participants’ income — fully
cover “fair market rate rent,” which in New Orleans is calculated as $1,034 to $1,496
for a one-bedroom apartment. That means even in increasingly upscale,
higher-ground areas of town there is little stopping developers and
landlords with vacant properties from lowering rents by a few hundred
dollars and still being able to generate revenue.
For
Ms. Morris, the continued holdout by many landlords that want “a
certain kind of family,” or Airbnb customers, has grown to “psychotic”
levels of classism and racism. “At a certain point,” she said, “the math
has to let you at least manage your prejudices.”
Whenever the post-2005 destruction and gentrification of New Orleans is discussed, I am obliged to point out again that none of it was an accident. Since, literally days after Katrina landed, we were already trying to warn that this was going to happen and it would happen as a result of deliberate policy choices made by people who wield political power in New Orleans. Then it happened.
It happened every day. Sometimes in very big ways and other times as part of a general creep. But the whole time, we were saying out loud to anyone who would listen, this is happening, the money power, the real estate, tourism and business owners were gutting the city.
And it didn't matter. They did what they wanted. Because that's what always happens. They have the power. We have nothing. You can see it, you can say it, you can object all you want. But they do whatever they want and you don't matter.
Even now, in the middle of a pandemic, in the middle of a depression, there is no such thing as housing justice. Because they can afford to be "psychotic" in their stubbornness and no one with any political power will stop them.
Even at the lowest point of crisis, political leaders emphasize the concerns of landlords holding them equal to or greater than the housing stressed poor. Today, a week after a Category 2 hurricane ripped through and knocked out everyone's power we're still struggling with worries over whether or not the polling locations can operate. Guess what was back up and running immediately, though.
The thing about New Orleans politics people most misunderstand is how
fundamentally conservative it is. The governing ideology in all the
major power centers is pro-police,
pro-landlord, anti-labor. It's rare to find any observer, let alone someone from out of town, describe it this way, though. Which is why this New Yorker piece by Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor is refreshing. Taylor is writing primarily about the superficial racial politics of the Biden-Harris campaign but within that argument we find this passage.
There is little consideration of how a municipal administrator’s class standing may complicate solidarities with those it is simply assumed they will represent. This is especially true for Black elected officials, many of whom come from working-class origins but whose class standing shifts when they move into political office. In May, 2018, LaToya Cantrell became the first Black woman to be elected as mayor of New Orleans. Cantrell, who first moved to New Orleans in 1990, in order to attend Xavier, a historically Black university, was deeply involved in community organizing in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, and served on the city council for six years before ascending to the position of mayor. Despite this background of community engagement, Cantrell has stood on the sidelines during a strike by a small group of Black sanitation workers, over demands for hazard pay and P.P.E. during the pandemic. Sanitation work is outsourced in New Orleans, allowing contracting companies to pay workers less than the city’s living-wage ordinance allows. In this case, when the sanitation workers decided to strike, one of the subcontractors procured a contract for prison laborers, who worked for even less than the striking workers. Even as these “essential workers” have called upon the mayor to help them secure P.P.E. and better pay, Cantrell has refused to intervene directly, saying that these issues are between the contractor and the workers. There is no inherent solidarity along the lines of race, and, when class conflict is introduced into the calculation, it is even more fraught.
This is a city where only a person who promises not to take from the
rich and give to the poor and "all that kind of crap" can be mayor. Policy can only be formulated through a distinctly neoliberal lens. Every problem can only be met with some sort of "business incentive" public-private partnership, or other such trickle down scheme to benefit the ruling classes.
Meanwhile, even within the (very small and insular) world of progressive activism you can't get agreement on basic principles like, for example, housing as a human right or that teachers deserve unions.
And, in any case, the decisions that matter get made at a 10,000 foot remove from any of that through deals between political careerists, tourism bosses, and real estate interests. The public side of the political process, such as it is, is just nonsensical theater.
Which brings us to today's elections. If you've voted early, or if you've wandered into a polling location this afternoon, you may have noticed that there are a lot of things going on with your ballot besides just that dismal Presidential election. What even is all that stuff? Well, if you really want to know the details you should stop here and go read the excellent and extremely thorough Antigravity and DSA voter guides. But if you want the short version, stay here and I will tell you.
Basically three things are happening. A slate of reformist candidates mostly associated with the public defender's office is trying to win a bunch of judicial seats. A few somewhat progressive minded challengers are trying to wrest one or two school board seats away from incumbent charter school privatizers with national corporate backing. And, all of this is happening in the context of various power brokering institutions trying to consolidate their positions as electoral and patronage gatekeepers ahead of next year's municipal elections.
The linchpin in the insider tug of war is the DA's race where Mayor Cantrell's alliance with BOLD, which did very well in the legislative races last year, is backing Keva Landrum. You can read a little bit about the dynamics of the race in this Advocate story about the fundraising. Landrum has positioned herself as the more conservative "law and order" candidate compared to Jason Williams and Arthur Hunter who she has criticized as "backed by third party special interests." Each of their platforms is invested in reforming the criminal legal system more aggressively than she would like.
As I type this right now, the polls are open for another twenty minutes. But my strong suspicion is the establishment candidates will win most of these judicial and school board races and Landrum will run first in the DA race. Overall the theme of the night is conservative establishment results at home to match the general "return to normalcy" nationwide as Joe Biden becomes the next President.
Maybe that is disappointing. But disappointment has pretty much been baked into this since March. Here is what I told the kids yesterday on a parallel internet. We know that the Biden Presidency only represents the replacement of one kind of conservatism with another. We know that, regardless of the election result, we are no nearer to overcoming the massive obstacles to human happiness posed by poverty, racism, disease, empire, and climate catastrophe. And we know these are all deeply embedded consequences of systemic capitalist exploitation and that the work of rooting them out has not even begun.
But, if only for the sake of your own mental well being and that of your neighbors, please do not deny yourself the chance to revel in the pure and absolute joy of seeing Donald Trump ejected from the White House. Fuck that guy. He's almost gone. It's okay to enjoy that.
