
I get a whole new level of excitement reading books written by personalities who aren’t professional writers (including historians and journalists). Especially when it comes to historical figures who have made monumental, history-altering contributions. Their words feel unfiltered; raw thoughts captured at the very moment they were shaping history. Their voices are not curated; they are lived. I’ve had the good fortune and wisdom of reading Ambedkar, Swami Vivekananda, Savarkar, Mazzini, and a few others.
Most recently, I came across Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s “The Indian Struggle (1920–1942),” and surely I had to read it. Netaji, one of the most enigmatic and influential leaders of India’s nationalist movement, has in recent years been acknowledged as a key force behind Britain’s decision to leave India. His book only reinforces why. If I had to give my verdict upfront, every Indian, especially those drawn to political history, should read this masterpiece. “The Indian Struggle” is a compelling insider’s account of India’s freedom movement, with a deep dive into various movements during the 22-year period in the scope of the book, the dynamics between various leaders inside and outside Congress, the unsung heroes lost to textbook sanitization, and the vulnerabilities that an astute colonial administration repeatedly exploited.
That said, the work reflects certain dated assumptions, such as acceptance of the Aryan Invasion Theory and a somewhat naïve view of Islamic rule, especially concerning the Mughals. But much like Ambedkar’s Annihilation of Caste, these limitations must be understood in the context of the historical scholarship available at the time. To dismiss the book on these grounds alone would be to overlook its larger intellectual and political contributions. All you can do is be cognizant of these flaws and read along. The book’s enduring value lies in its sharp political analysis and first-hand insights into the inner workings of the Indian National Congress.
“The leader of the Congress is Mahatma Gandhi — who is the virtual dictator. The Working Committee since 1929 has been elected according to his dictation and no one can find a place on that committee who is not thoroughly submissive to him and his policy.” (Page 55)
Netaji documents the internal frictions within Congress. Contrasting nationalists, Swarajists, and Gandhi’s loyalists, and does not hesitate to describe Gandhi as a “dictator” within the party and, eventually, in national politics. His narration of key events, particularly the rise and decline of the Swaraj Party under Deshbandhu C.R. Das, and the subsequent Responsivist movement, corrects several gaps in mainstream histories. It’s a shame that our history textbooks have barely mentioned Deshbandhu C. R. Das, despite his central position in the independence struggle during his active years. Notably, Bose highlights Deshbandhu’s towering yet under-recognized political legacy.
Netaji does not shy away from exposing Gandhi’s miscalculations (like with Khilafat leaders), whether in prematurely halting mass movements, bungling negotiations with the British, or alienating fellow freedom fighters. His description of how the British government repeatedly outmaneuvered Congress, even during its own existential crisis in World War II, is a particularly painful read. His parallels to the British suppression of Sinn Féin add a fascinating international dimension.
“for according to sane Britishers, ‘Gandhi was the best policeman the Britisher had in India.’” (Page 358)
Yet, despite sharp disagreements, Netaji displays admirable fairness. His praise for Gandhi and Nehru, when it is due, shows rare integrity, the ability to critique without bitterness and to admire without compromise. In the early chapters, his restraint in offering personal judgments reflects both discipline and dignity.
“On March 11th, the Mahatma had written to Sir Samuel Hoare informing him that in keeping with what he had stated at the Round Table Conference in London on November 13th, 1931, if the depressed classes were torn away from the main body of Hindus by the grant of separate electorate, he would resist it with his life and in pursuance of that resolve, he would fast unto death.” (Page 445)
Words change in meaning or connotation over time, and people’s sensitivity to certain terms evolves. And one can find such surprises (or shocks) while reading books from a different era. This book will also probably do the same as Netaji’s use of terms like “propaganda” and “terrorism” in a very neutral sense may shock the reader, but is only reflecting the political vocabulary of the time.
In the end, The Indian Struggle is not just a chronicle but also a window into the mind of a man who dared to dream of freedom in a different way. It is imperfect, yes, but indispensable. And for anyone seeking to understand India’s long and complex march to independence, this book is nothing less than essential reading.
P.S. I would like to mention a passage that will perhaps be staying with me for a long time. I would, perhaps, title it “The Price of ‘Unity’”.
“The writer still remembers clearly the long and interesting discussion which he had with Nehru in Calcutta, in April, 1939, when he announced his desire to resign the Presidentship of the Congress and organise a new party. Nehru argued that such a step would create a split within the Congress and would thereby weaken the national organisation at a critical moment. The writer urged, on the contrary, that one should distinguish between the unity which led to more effective action and the unity which resulted in inaction. Unity could be preserved superficially in the Congress only by surrendering to the Gandhi Wing — but since the Gandhi Wing was opposed to the idea of a national struggle, such unity if maintained, would serve to stultify all dynamic activity on the part of the Congress in future.” (Page 596)
The reason is that when it comes to Hindu advocacy, the go-to answer for many so-called Hindu leaders here in North America, who are clueless about action to be taken is that “Hindus need to be united” (what they essentially mean is everybody should be united behind them). But they never say what should be done after uniting. And where is this unity heading, if at all? And what if it is heading in the wrong direction that will end up harming the community? Nehru’s cry for “unity” to Netaji sounded like that.











