The other communist hellhole:
“Topics of human rights and foreign interference were not brought up proactively by the Canadian Prime Minister,” says a document tabled in the House of Commons on March 13 by the PCO, which is sometimes referred to as the prime minister’s department.
The document, first covered by Blacklock’s Reporter, was tabled in response to a Jan. 26 request from Conservative MP Ned Kuruc, seeking details on which meetings during Carney’s January trip to China included discussions of human rights or foreign interference.
Kuruc had also asked for details of all meetings between Carney and other ministers with Chinese officials during the trip.
The document indicates Carney met with Chinese leader Xi Jinping on Jan. 16 for roughly two hours, including a luncheon. It also lists a private meeting with Chinese Premier Li Qiang and meetings with executives including from the China National Petroleum Corporation, the Industrial and Commercial Bank of Canada, Chinese e-commerce company Alibaba, the National People’s Congress, Rongsheng Petrochemicals, and the People’s Bank of China.
Carney had told reporters in Beijing on Jan. 16 that he raised the issue of human rights in his talks with Chinese officials, including the plight of former Hong Kong media executive and pro-democracy activist Jimmy Lai, who has family in Canada. Lai, a former head of the now shuttered Apply Daily newspaper, was recently sentenced to 20 years in prison in Hong Kong under the China-imposed national security law.
“These issues were raised in our broader discussions over the past few days,” Carney said, noting that Canada had led a G7 statement condemning the conviction of Lai and calling for his release.
When a reporter asked if concerns about human rights and freedom of expression are things Canada “just can’t afford to think about because we’ve got to diversify our markets,” Carney responded, “no.”
For the record, Mark Carney is a useless b@$#@rd.
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But Carney isn't the only one exploiting Chinese slaves:
Colorado Road was never a place where much happened. Set off on the impoverished fringes of this obscure Brazilian city, it bore little of note beyond a small ballet school, a few sun-scorched shrubs and a row of humble dwellings hidden behind decaying walls — until one day in May 2024, when Daniela de Oliveira opened her iron gate and heard a ruckus across the street.
Dozens of Chinese men were getting off a bus and heading into a pair of squat two-story buildings at the end of the road. Oliveira assumed the outsiders had some type of meeting and would soon be on their way. She’d been inside the structures, painted dark green, and knew they weren’t nearly big enough to house them all.
But one day turned to the next, and soon Oliveira realized her new neighbors — 56 itinerant Chinese laborers, none of whom spoke any Portuguese — were here to stay.
As weeks passed, Oliveira’s curiosity deepened. Their food was prepared in an improvised kitchen in the garage, amid industrial detritus and vermin, and they never seemed to do anything for fun. All they did was work.
“Seven days a week,” Oliveira, 35, recalled. “Sunday to Sunday. I never saw any taking a day off.”
They departed every morning at dawn and didn’t return until dusk. The hours in between were spent helping to build Latin America’s largest electric car factory for the world’s biggest electric automaker, China’s BYD. Constructed on Camaçari’s Henry Ford Avenue, on land formerly used by the Ford Motor Company, the plant represented one of China’s boldest bets yet in its bid to control the future of automaking.
It also reflected China’s rise in South America and America’s receding influence. China has replaced the United States as the continent’s top trading partner, expanding its annual total trade from $8 billion in 2000 to more than $365 billion in 2024, according to the World Trade Organization. One of South America’s largest ports, in Chancay, Peru, was built with Chinese money. Chinese funds are bringing a metro line to Bogotá, Colombia, and powering a hydroelectric revolution in the Amazon forest. And now its signature automaker has leapfrogged Tesla in global sales, owing in part to its rapid expansion in Brazil.
One evening in December 2024, a phalanx of government cars descended on Colorado Road. Federal police formed a perimeter around the workers’ living quarters. Government investigators hustled inside. They were stunned by what they found.
Chinese men were inhabiting practically every square inch. Most slept without mattresses. Trash lay everywhere. Food was stored on the ground. In one of the buildings, 31 laborers shared a single bathroom; it was coated with an “excess of sludge,” government inspectors reported.
This went far beyond labor violations, the inspectors concluded. The workers enlisted by BYD to build its keystone factory in the Americas had been forced, they wrote, into conditions that recalled “slavery.”
The Washington Post reviewed more than 5,000 pages of court records in Brazil and China, and interviewed 41 people with direct knowledge of the case and labor conditions, including Brazilian investigators, former and current BYD employees, and workers who traveled here from the Chinese countryside in search of opportunity. They show how one of China’s most consequential international projects turned into a geopolitical clash over worker rights and human dignity.
The Chinese companies involved in the project have denied the slavery allegations and deemed them culturally insensitive.
