Israel Trips on its Ego-No Messianic Rescue Available

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Pictured Above- One of a Series of Over 50 Iranian Missiles Types built over 15 years ago that has Destroyed the ‘Invincibility’ Myth of the Israeli Iron Dome and its Defences

The protracted crisis engulfing the Middle East stems, in substantial measure, from the policies and actions of the State of Israel and its successive governments. For decades, these administrations have invoked the profound historical trauma of the Holocaust and centuries of Jewish persecution as a moral and political shield, deploying it to justify expansive military operations, territorial assertions, and confrontations not only with neighboring states but also with Western nations that historically provided refuge and support after the horrors of the Second World War. Critics portray this posture as akin to that of a favored yet unchecked ward within a powerful alliance, granted extraordinary latitude while pursuing objectives that frequently override broader regional stability

Palestinians-The Real David in the Struggle Against the American Israeli Goliath

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The Palestinian population, long stigmatized in dominant narratives as mere terrorists, has in reality been engaged in a sustained struggle against what many view as an occupying force. This force, predominantly comprising European-descended Jewish settlers, has sought to establish a “Promised Land” on the basis of religious claims that lack grounding in any internationally recognized legal instrument authorizing the displacement of indigenous inhabitants and their reduction to refugee status.

Within Israel itself, profound divisions persist regarding the state’s theological legitimacy. Orthodox interpretations hold that the establishment of a sovereign Jewish polity prior to the arrival of the Messiah constitutes a usurpation of divine prerogative, rendering such actions sinful and potentially accursed. Growing consensus exists among religious authorities (the Haredim and other Orthodox groups) on this point, and the debate underscores internal fractures over the very foundations of the modern state.

For eight decades, successive Israeli governments have exhibited scant tolerance toward the original Palestinian inhabitants, with lethal force employed routinely and often with apparent impunity, while much of the West has observed in relative silence or complicity out of a lingering guilt of what occurred to the Jews in World War II. That guilt appears to have been extinguished with the slaughter of 70,000 Palestinains in Gaza.

Whilst the West was Asleep– Iran Grew into The Leviathan

The geopolitical landscape has now shifted decisively. With Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping commanding unparalleled influence relative to Western capitals, the era of unchallenged dominance by Israel and its principal patron, the United States, appears to be drawing to a close.

Iran, long dismissed in Western discourse as a backward actor reliant on proxy militias, has emerged as a formidable military power, orchestrating responses at times and places of its own choosing. It has drawn Israel, supported by American resources, into a protracted and costly confrontation.

What the world has witnessed in the past 2 weeks thus far stems largely from Iranian capabilities dating back 10–15 years; newer advancements remain largely untested, prompting grave concern in Washington and Tel Aviv. Israel stands out as a paper tiger, its armed forces a scarecrow in the face of continued advanced precision missile barrages fired from Iran.

Israel’s much vaunted “Iron Doime” its biblically named “David’s Sling”, “Arrow” and “Jericho”, all of which were said to be impregnable and invincible, fell like clay pidgeons from the sky when confronted by decades old Iranian designed and manufactured missiles guided by what Russia concedes are the most sophiticated guidance and fire control system anywhere today.

Germany cancelled its order of over $2 billion of Israel’s missile defence system in the wake of the Iranian missile attacks on Israel in June 2024. A few other NATO nations followed suit soon.

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No viable path forward exists short of capitulation by the Israel/ United States axis or a negotiated settlement that fundamentally reconfigures Israel’s regional role and possibly its current form.

In any secular, rules-based international order, divine covenant cannot serve as enforceable law. Any reparations or compensation regime imposed on Israel and the United States for historical grievances would impose ruinous financial burdens on both nations.

A Grave Miscalculation from Deliberate False Intelligence Supplied to the US by Israel

Speculation persists that Iran may already possess covert nuclear capabilities, perhaps acquired through long-standing ties with North Korea, whose program has benefited from Iranian financial and technical support over the years. Dismissing this possibility outright would be imprudent, given Tehran’s history of concealing aspects of its military infrastructure.

Iran’s strategic triumph, should it materialize, would owe much to its endurance: a patient resilience in the face of sustained, vitriolic propaganda campaigns that have demonized the nation and its people for generations. Longstanding prejudices, amplified by influential lobbies in the United States and elsewhere, have clouded accurate threat assessments, fostering a miscalculation of realities on the ground.

The United States must now confront an uncomfortable reckoning: the core impasse lies not merely with policies of one government, but with the broader dynamics of the Israel/U.S. relationship itself. Achieving durable peace demands a radically new framework, one that transcends entrenched narratives and addresses root causes without ethnic or religious scapegoating. The hour for such recalibration has arrived; delay only heightens the peril.

The Sorry State of Malaysia’s Legal Profession

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WHERE LAWS ARE SUBJECT TO THE WHIMS OF CORRUPT LAWYERS AND IGNORED BY THE PROFESSION

In the shadowed corridors of Malaysian justice, where the scales are meant to balance with unerring precision, there unfolds a cautionary tale that demands our collective gaze. The protracted odyssey of former Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s alleged transgressions stands not merely as a singular spectacle of high-stakes litigation, but as a stark indictment of a system where political imperatives have eclipsed the sacred imperatives of law.

Under the stewardship of Attorney-General Tommy Thomas, a figure whose activism blurred the lines between prosecutor and partisan, the machinery of the courts was pressed into service, fracturing the foundational doctrine of separation of powers. Critical evidence was withheld, important witnesses silenced, and the fundamental rights of the accused eroded in a relentless pursuit of conviction over equity.

The presiding judge, manifestly ill-equipped and seemingly complicit, presided over this theatre with a disregard for natural justice that flouted every constitutional safeguard designed to shield the innocent. Here, in microcosm, lies the peril: when the law becomes an instrument of power rather than its restraint, the public pays the ultimate price in eroded trust and diminished liberty.Yet this is no isolated aberration.

WHERE GREED AND CORRUPTION TRUMPS THE RULE OF LAW–EMBEZZLEMENT-FRAUD-LAND AND ESTATE FRAUD

Across the Klang Valley and the nation’s principal cities, the legal profession, ostensibly the vigilant guardian of rights and remedies, bears the pockmarks of a deeper malaise. Lawyers, entrusted with fortunes and futures, have too often betrayed that trust on a scale that beggars belief.

Embezzlement of client funds runs into tens of millions: the late Richard Brockett’s depredations and Rosemary Cho’s audacious extraction of MYR23 million serve as grim exemplars.

Defalcation from trust accounts, exorbitant overcharging beyond ethical bounds, and perjury sworn under oath to engineer “favourable outcomes” have become distressingly commonplace. Court registries are quietly compromised, with officials induced to delay or suppress probate grants, decrees nisi, judgments, and caveats, tools essential to protect estates and matrimonial assets. In divorce proceedings and the administration of deceased estates, properties are deliberately undervalued, sold at an underrvalue, and the difference pocketed, a sleight-of-hand that mocks the very concept of equitable division. Even the humblest trials yield judgments bereft of logic, coherence, or fidelity to fact and precedent.

 A 2014 KPMG survey mentioned in studies indicated that 26% of surveyed Malaysian public-listed companies that experienced fraud suffered average losses of RM 2.41 million. Bukit Aman CCID has documented nearly 500 cases of Land fraud, (title fraud) in 2024, many either by lawyers, in cahoots with lawyers or succeeding through the negligence of lawyers. Particular areas of this kind of fraud occurs in the administration of Wills and deceased estates where, lawyers do not report, give account to or correspond accurately with beneficiaries of deceased testators. Many more fail to caveat properties in time, fail to protect the interests of beneficiaries and through their negligence allow fraudsters to feed off their incompetence.

THE LAW AND LAWYERS AS CO CONSPIRATORS WHILST GOVERNMENT SITS IDLY BY

The law itself, its glacial pace in effecting land title transfers, coupled with the near-absence of meaningful oversight over trustees and executors, lies at the rotten core of this national scandal. Malaysia’s so-called Torrens system, though bearing the name of its rigorous Australian progenitor, is in truth a hollow facsimile: a title-by-registration regime that, in practice and execution, has been hollowed out and bent to predatory ends.

Countless Malaysian lawyers return from Australian universities steeped in the authentic Torrens doctrine, its guarantee of indefeasibility, its iron-clad registers, its merciless accountability. Yet scarcely have they hung their first shingle before they are seduced, or simply coerced, into the local liturgy of plunder. Within months they master an altogether different syllabus: one that treats fiduciary duty as an inconvenient fiction and the deceased’s estate as a private ATM.

The repertoire is now depressingly familiar. Executors refuse the most elementary inquiries into the administration of an estate, cloaking silence in procedural fog. Prime real property is quietly offloaded at a fraction of its worth, advertised, if at all, in obscure corners of the press that no serious buyer would ever scan. The sale is choreographed at a deliberate undervalue; the difference is split in cash between the executor and the colluding purchaser. Legal fees, trusteeship charges, and “expenses” are inflated with creativity until they devour what little equity remains.

UNADDRESSED CONFLICTS BETWEEN THE LAW AND SECTARIAN EVANGELICAL RIGHTEOUSNESS

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The haemorrhage is not anecdotal. It runs into hundreds of millions, perhaps billions of ringgit, ring-fencing entire fortunes that should have passed intact to widows, orphans, and rightful heirs. What masquerades as professional practice is, in reality, a refined art of legalised theft, sanctioned by inertia and protected by the very statute books meant to prevent it. Until the law is forced to mean what it says on the page, the graves of the dead will continue to be robbed with impunity.

Compounding this institutional decay is a dimension that strikes at the very heart of Malaysia’s constitutional order and its fragile compact of racial and religious harmony. A significant contingent within the legal fraternity today draws sustenance and certification from American Evangelical congregations, importing doctrines that openly encourage the conversion of Muslims to Christianity, a direct contravention of both statute and the foundational prohibition against proselytisation of the Muslim community.

These lawyers, cloaked in the dual mantle of advocate and missionary, prey systematically on the most vulnerable among their clients: drug addicts ensnared by addiction, divorcees fractured by marital dissolution, orphans bereft of guardianship, the displaced cast adrift by circumstance and the most vulnerable of all the semi literate.

Earnings, entitlements, and bequests are quietly redirected, recast as pious “Gifts to God for his Blessings” or “Tithes” and funnelled into the coffers of the church (usually to individual pastors/ lawyers), all under the pious guise of a tricket to spiritual redemption. What begins as pastoral counsel ends as a sophisticated mechanism of dispossession, eroding the boundaries of faith, family, and fiduciary duty alike bound together in the duality of pastor/lawyer.

In a nation where the Federal Constitution enshrines Islam as the religion of the Federation while guaranteeing the rights of every citizen, such practices do not merely breach professional ethics; they fracture the delicate equilibrium of multi-faith coexistence and invite the very discord the law was crafted to forestall.

THE ROLE OF A POORLY EDUCATED BENCH UNDER PRESSURES THEY ARE ILL EQUIPPED TO BEAR

One is reminded of the blunt assessment once offered by an Australian president of the Queensland Law Society, who likened certain judges to “bullies from the pulpit”, rude, overburdened, and seeking solace in self-medication and the bottle. Whether Malaysia’s judiciary mirrors this pattern of strain and lapse remains a question that cries out for honest inquiry. But the rot runs deeper still. Where, precisely, does the Malaysian Bar Council, the putative regulator of this august profession, stand amid such systemic derelictions? Who, in truth, judges the judges? Are the lords of oversight truly independent, or merely self-perpetuating sentinels more loyal to caste than to conscience? The legal fraternity, alas, is widely perceived as insular, self-serving, and loath to turn upon its own, an attitude that breeds exactly the culture of impunity now corroding the republic of laws.

This is not merely a professional failing; it is a civic emergency. When lawyers and judges place personal gain, political allegiance, institutional solidarity, or imported religious zeal above the public they serve, the rule of law itself withers. The citizenry, long accustomed to viewing the legal edifice as impregnable, must awaken to its fragility.

Public vigilance is no longer optional; it is the indispensable bulwark against this insidious drift. We must demand transparency in disciplinary proceedings, insist upon independent audits of trust accounts and client bequests, scrutinise judicial appointments and professional certifications with unrelenting rigour, and hold the Bar to account when it shields its errant members, be they politically driven, financially opportunistic, or evangelically motivated. Only through sustained, informed scrutiny can we reclaim a judiciary worthy of its name, one that serves justice, not expediency, and upholds the dignity of every Malaysian before the law. The alternative is a slow surrender: a nation where the powerful evade consequence, the vulnerable are preyed upon, and the promise of equal justice dissolves into mere rhetoric. The time for polite silence has passed; the hour for vigilant guardianship is now.

The Sabah Sarawak Royalty Claims – Pork Dressed as Lamb

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The Purpose Behind the Merger of Sabah and Sarawak into Malaysia– The Expanding Menace of Chinese Chauvanism

The formation of Malaysia in 1963 was a pragmatic and costly union, driven by shared security needs and economic complementarity rather than imperial design or ethnic favoritism. Sabah and Sarawak, emerging from British colonial rule, possessed vast natural wealth, oil and gas, timber, pepper, oil palm, cocoa, rubber, and coal, that complemented the industrializing ambitions of Peninsular Malaya. The merger was not imposed; it responded to the immediate vacuum created by Britain’s withdrawal, a vacuum that invited aggressive external and internal threats.

Prominent among these threats were communist insurgencies rooted predominantly in the ethnic Chinese communities of the region. The North Kalimantan Communist Party (NKCP), formally established in 1971 but with roots in earlier groups like the Sarawak Communist Organisation (SCO) or Clandestine Communist Organisation (CCO), drew its core support and leadership from Chinese migrants and their descendants.

These groups, inspired by Maoist ideology and backed by links to the People’s Republic of China, sought to exploit the post-colonial transition through armed struggle, including the Sarawak People’s Guerrillas. Parallel to this ran Indonesia’s Konfrontasi (1963–1966), launched by President Sukarno, who aligned closely with Beijing and the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), in an attempt to dismantle the new federation and absorb its Bornean territories.

Certain elements within the Chinese community in North Borneo advanced opportunistic historical claims, asserting that Borneo (or parts of it) had long been under Chinese influence or dominion. Such assertions lack credible historical grounding; no sustained Chinese sovereignty over the island is documented in reliable records. Instead, early Chinese contacts with Borneo, dating back centuries through trade, were commercial, not imperial, and the island’s pre-colonial polities were Malay sultanates and indigenous groups.

The Debt – MA63 -Royalties and Set Off- A Blood Debt that Can Never be Repaid-Ever

Peninsular Malaya bore a disproportionate share of the defense burden. Malaysian forces, alongside British, Australian, and New Zealand troops, fought to contain these Chinese-led communist insurgencies, suppress the Sarawak People’s Guerrilla Force, and repel Indonesian incursions during Konfrontasi. The cost in lives and treasure was immense, yet upon securing the territories, Malaysia never sought compensation or a financial set-off for these sacrifices.

Revenue-sharing provisions were indeed part of the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), particularly regarding net revenues from Sabah and Sarawak. No clause, however, obligated the peninsula to subsidize the defense of the Borneo states to such an extent while receiving minimal reciprocal benefit.

Contemporary separatist advocacy, led by figures such as Daniel John Jambun (of the Borneo Plight in Malaysia Foundation) and Robert Pei (of Sabah Sarawak Rights Australia New Zealand), presents itself as a defense of broken promises and unfulfilled MA63 entitlements. These voices claim a mandate to speak for the peoples of Sabah and Sarawak, yet their arguments often recast history in ways that obscure the federation’s defensive origins and the real threats it neutralized.

A History of Chinese Resources Plunder

Historical patterns add further context. During the early post-independence years under leaders like Tun Mustapha Harun in Sabah, prominent Chinese business clans, including the Yeoh, Wong, Tiong and others, benefited disproportionately from timber concessions and resource extraction. They are documented as having influenced delays in broader modernization and infrastructure development, channeling profits primarily toward their own communities and networks. Later arrangements favored families such as that of Yeoh Tiong Lay, securing federal-backed concessions for hydroelectric dams and other projects whose economic returns flowed unevenly, often outward rather than sustaining balanced national development.

The current push for greater autonomy, or, in some cases, outright separation, appears less a quest for equitable redress than a continuation of longstanding patterns of resource acquisition and political reconfiguration. For segments of the Malaysian Chinese population frustrated by their limited traction in federal politics (unlike the trajectory in Singapore), recasting Sabah and Sarawak as separate entities offers strategic real estate and continued access to riches. If pursued, such fragmentation risks consigning the indigenous peoples of these states to the marginalized role seen among native populations across Southeast Asia, from Myanmar to Papua New Guinea, where demographic and economic dominance by migrant communities has often led to displacement and subordination.

Revisionism a Chinese Communist Staple

Malaysia’s creation was a hard-won compact against real existential dangers, Chinese communist insurgency and Indonesian expansionism chief among them. To portray it now as mere exploitation ignores the ledger of sacrifice borne by the peninsula and the broader strategic necessity that bound these territories together. A frank reckoning with this history, including the ethnic dimensions of the insurgencies and resource dynamics, serves truth better than selective narratives of grievance.

There are clear signs of American funding to desperately extend American hagemony in South East Asia where it is waning as it is in the Middle East. Robert Pei a former communist inspired student leader in New Zealand then as a broadcaster on an Australian clandestine radio station 3CR appears to have changed his political colours siding with the avaracious capitalist Chinese in South East Asia in an effor to assist the weakened influence of the Americans re establish itself in the region providing a base against a prosperous, powerful mainland China. How things change at the smell of money.

US Threatens Mohammad bin Salman

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Rumblings (of a Coup) in Riyadh over Mohammad bin Salman’s Capitulation to Israel and Trump

Rumblings (of a Coup) in Riyadh over Mohammad bin Salman’s Capitulation to Israel and Trump

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HOW THE MEDIA GETS IT WRONG ALL THE TIME

The Western media, ever the arbiter of global narratives, continues to frame the escalating conflict with Iran in stark, Manichaean terms: a beleaguered democratic alliance confronting a brutal, theocratic dictatorship whose inhumanity justifies preemptive strikes and unrelenting pressure.

Yet this portrayal, as selective as it is insistent, conspicuously omits the mirror held up by America’s indispensable regional partners. Saudi Arabia, the kingdom whose strategic necessity has long rendered it immune to equivalent scrutiny, maintains a record of human rights abridgments, democratic deficits, and internal repression that rivals, or exceeds, many of the charges leveled against Tehran, yet elicits scarcely a whisper in mainstream discourse.

Remember Jamal Kashoggi, the countless public beheadings of innocent foreigners and locals in public squares after Friday prayers in Jeddah and Riyadh? Not inhumane not barbaric?

Israel, often described in certain quarters as America’s de facto fifty-first state, fares similarly. Its military operations in Gaza and the occupied territories, widely condemned by international bodies and human rights organizations as constituting acts of genocide against the Palestinian people, receive contextual elision or outright omission in the same outlets that amplify every Iranian transgression.

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Such is the fickle nature of the US media. In war, their individuality and free press becomes a tool of the war machine churning out ugly propaganda and lies to defame and degrade their enemies and glorify their misdeeds as they’ve so often done.

MISSILES GENERATE TREMORS IN GULF PALACES– A SAUDI COUP IN THE MAKING?

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Amid the roar of missiles crisscrossing the skies, from Iranian launch sites to ineffective Israeli defenses and American bases dotting the Persian Gulf, the deeper tectonic shifts underway in the Arabian Peninsula go largely unremarked. The dust of war may yet settle not only on ruined infrastructure but on the very foundations of Gulf monarchies themselves.

Saudi prince Mohammad bin Salman (MBS) has accused the Trump administration of giving priority to Israel’s defence in the current hostilities whilst ignoring the defence of the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) countries as Iranian missiles hit them and their American guest bases with relative impunity.

Within the House of Saud, whispers of succession anxiety have grown louder amid King Salman’s advanced age and periodic health concerns. Though recent reports indicate the monarch has recovered from routine medical evaluations and remains formally in command, the de facto power resides with Crown Prince MBS, whose consolidation of authority has not quelled dissent among the sprawling royal family, numbering in the thousands.

It is widely reported that the current war between the US, Israel and Iran is an attack on the sovereignty of all Islamic governments in the region acting as a shield for Israel alone. And Saudi Arabia’s secret arrangements with Israel and the US may have strengthened Mohamad Bin Salman’s position for the present, but it has weakened all of the ruling families of the Gulf states and Saudi Arabia itself in the GCC.

THE RE EMERGENCE OF CONSERVATIVE ISLAM

Discontent simmers particularly among factions nostalgic for a more pluralistic, pro-Western orientation. Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, the once-dominant billionaire investor and self-styled reformer, detained in the infamous 2017 Ritz-Carlton purge and stripped of much of his influence and assets, has reportedly reemerged as a focal point for dissident princes. Whispers suggest gatherings around this figure, long seen as amenable to American interests. However the more conservative theocratically inclined princes have a preference for the older style Wahabi influence in the face of corrupt Western influence amongst Saudi Arabia’s youth.

Complicating the picture are shadowy transatlantic connections. Jared Kushner, the Jewish son in law and former senior advisor to Donald Trump, has maintained discreet channels to Alwaleed since at least 2023, facilitated through diplomatic conduits in Riyadh. Kushner’s Affinity Partners received a $7 billion commitment from Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund, overseen by MBS, shortly after leaving the White House, a transaction that has fueled speculation about quid pro quo arrangements.

KUSHNER MBS AND A GROWING SECTARIAN DIVIDE IN THE GULF

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Reports of MBS’s proximity to Kushner, including alleged intermediation in sensitive Saudi-Israeli communications conducted without full royal council knowledge or approval, have reportedly inflamed conservative and traditionalist elements within the Al Saud clans. Jared Kushner is both a Jew and an ardent Zionist and member of AIPAC.

THE GREAT SECTARIAN DIVIDE BETWEEN SUNNI AND SHIA– ISRAEL EXPLOITS

While official Saudi figures place the Shia minority at 10–15% of the population, independent estimates suggest closer to 20–32% nationally, with concentrations reaching 25, 30% in the Eastern Province. Some Shia voices and external observers contend the true proportion approaches or exceeds one-third, a discrepancy attributed to deliberate undercounting and non-recognition of Shia as fully orthodox Muslims.

In this volatile milieu, elements of the Shia community, historically marginalized, have reportedly aligned with anti-Salman (MBS) factions, drawing support from co-religionists in neighboring Gulf states like Kuwait, where Shia populations wield greater demographic and political weight. Half of the ruling Al Sabah family, rulers of Kuwait, are Shia. Such alignments threaten to exacerbate internal instability at a moment when the kingdom’s external alliances appear most precarious.

ASSASINATION OF REGIONAL LEADERS POINT TO COLLUSION WITH SAUDIS AND GULF STATES

The recent assassination of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in joint US-Israeli strikes has reverberated far beyond Tehran. A French diplomat, speaking anonymously, described the killing not as a strategic triumph but as a profound affront to Islamic dignity and regional sovereignty.

Gulf rulers, long reliant on American security guarantees and tacit Israeli coordination against Iranian threats, now confront an unsettling reality: if precision strikes can eliminate Iran’s paramount figure, no palace or emirate may be truly inviolable or safe from Israeli or US regime change designs or plans if GCC rulers express any form of dissention about the US, its policies or Israel.

For decades, Saudi Arabia has reportedly extended logistical and intelligence support to Israeli operations in exchange for protection from Tehran. Yet the spectacle of decapitation strikes has eroded that sense of security.

Another French diplomat on conndition of anonymity warned that the Shia tradition’s embrace of martyrdom could manifest in asymmetric responses, suicide operations targeting royal figures and installations across the peninsula. He said thus:

“Those who imagine this war will conclude with the mere destruction of missiles and facilities,” he cautioned, “profoundly misunderstand the historical memory and resilience of this region, particularly among Shia communities.”

ADDENDUM- A DIRECT PERSONAL WARNING TO MOHAMMAD BIN SALMAN FROM TRUMP

It is reported today that Prince MBS had been warned by the US directly that if he did not cooperate with the US and Israel, his tenure as heir to the Saudi throne could be more precarious than he could imagine it to be. This threat was conveyed to MBS when he complained that the GCC countries including his were being used as a decoy and shield from Iranian attacks to protect Israel, the real object of this war.

In the crucible of bombardment and betrayal, the Gulf’s gilded autocracies stand exposed: not as immutable pillars of stability, but as fragile constructs vulnerable to the very forces they have long sought to contain. The missiles may fall silent, but the realignment they portend, within families, sects, and alliances, will likely echo for generations.

India a Western Lapdog and not Leader of the Global South

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Netanyahu Patting his ‘Modi’

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India’s standing as a credible leader of the Global South has been significantly eroded. The current administration, rooted in an ideological tradition whose early figures drew inspiration from authoritarian models during the Second World War, including admiration for aspects of Nazi organization and discipline, has pursued a foreign policy that prioritizes alignment with perceived victors over longstanding principles of non-alignment and anti-colonial solidarity.

External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, a skilled and eloquent diplomat, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi embody a conviction in their worldview that echoes certain resolute, unyielding qualities once associated with Winston Churchill. Churchill was undeniably a formidable orator, yet history has judged his legacy harshly for its underpinning racial hierarchies and imperial ruthlessness, which undermined his stature as a statesman.

Under Modi, relations with Muslim-majority nations and the broader Middle East are cultivated opportunistically when they serve economic or strategic interests, even as domestic narratives distort India’s historical experience under Muslim rule. The portrayal of pre-colonial Hindu polities as uniformly enlightened overlooks the entrenched hierarchies of caste and the arbitrary power often exercised by regional rulers including the ‘Great Ashoka’. In contrast, centuries of Islamic governance in India introduced administrative reforms, legal codification, efforts to mitigate caste rigidities, and greater institutional protections in certain spheres, achievements later obscured by colonial historiography, notably through figures like Thomas Babington Macaulay, who sought to supplant indigenous narratives with British-centric ones.

Contemporary policy appears to sideline this colonial legacy of exploitation, instead fixating on rivalries with Pakistan and China while pursuing closer ties with Western powers and Israel, often at the expense of historical consistency.

Recent developments, including a high-profile visit to Israel, marked by the conferral of a special parliamentary honor, and unequivocal expressions of solidarity amid regional escalations, have strained relations with Arab states and the Palestinian cause. This shift, including apparent unawareness or disregard for concurrent Israeli actions against Iran (‘a longstanding partner’), underscores a pragmatic realignment toward those deemed ascendant in global power dynamics.

Such choices evoke Gandhian rhetoric of moral suasion and peace, yet they diverge sharply in substance from Gandhi’s emphasis on universal justice and anti-imperial resistance. The recent Israeli strikes on Iran, framed within a decades-long confrontation following the 1979 revolution that ended a U.S.-backed monarchy, highlight broader patterns of unilateralism. Meanwhile, domestic political pressures in the United States and Israel, amid legal challenges and electoral uncertainties, further complicate the landscape.

Amid these shifts, China has consistently challenged Western dominance, while India’s approach has increasingly inclined toward accommodation with it, seemingly in pursuit of relative advantage, including along contested borders. This trajectory risks diminishing India’s moral authority and its historic role as a voice for the developing world.

Malaysia on the Verge of a Coup d’etat

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The allegations of a purported coup against Anwar Ibrahim first surfaced in private discussions, social media and subsequently within certain regime-change advocacy circles in Malaysia more than two years ago. This occurred as it became evident that Anwar would secure the parliamentary majority and apply the necessary leverage to assume the prime ministership of Malaysia.

Contrary to suggestions in Murray Hunter’s article, which appears to frame these claims as mere gas lighting, the origins of the rumors did not lie with the Western media outlets he cites. Rather, the information was initially leaked by sources in the United States associated with neoconservative networks, which then fed it to those outlets.

The apparent strategic aim was to bolster Anwar’s still-vulnerable position by prompting a declaration of emergency on the pretext of this rumored threat. Such a move would have afforded him extended tenure without immediate recourse to elections, allowing time to consolidate his agenda of advancing Islamic governance and reinforcing Malay-centric priorities, echoing the playbook employed by his former mentor and later adversary, Mahathir Mohamad, in the aftermath of the 1969 racial riots. Those disturbances, rooted in anti-communist anxieties and directed largely against the Chinese community, instilled widespread fear and justified prolonged emergency rule.

The narrative of a long-standing Chinese effort to challenge Malay political dominance, pursued over four decades, allegedly under a democratic veneer and with tacit support from Beijing-backed elements tied to figures like Chin Peng, persists in certain interpretations.

Today, this is said to manifest through alliances involving American-supported evangelical Christian churches that have proliferated across Malaysia. Operating with multilevel organizational dynamics reminiscent of commercial networks, these congregations draw heavily from Chinese communities, including disaffected members of traditional Catholic and Protestant denominations.

EVENGELICAL CHURCHES A POLITICAL AMWAY FLYTRAP

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Membership rolls reportedly feature prominent tycoons from Malaysia and Singapore figures of substantial wealth who seek external backing to advance economic dominance, often at the expense of the Malay majority (who comprise nearly 68% of the population and whose identity is constitutionally tied to Islam). They include Yeoh Tiong Lay and a host of people of his wealth class and ranks.

Eu Hong Seng and his wife, Yap Gaik Sim, in Petaling Jaya set up the Full Gospel Tabernmacle, which grew to be one of the largest, modern charismatic churches, drawing a primarily middle-class congregation, mainly Chinese then followed by Indians who saw opportunity in associating with the rich Chinese. The Indians remain their Zuo Gou (baggage boys) in the hope of economic redemption.

Other prominent Chinese who bought into the Evangelical multi level religious scams include Eu Tong Sen, Khoo Kay Peng, Lee Loy Seng, Tan Koon Suan and Halim Saad a Muslim although his affiliation with Evangelical groups has been carefully hidden.

A MUSLIM AND AN ANTI CORRUPTION ADVOCATE IN ANWAR?

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Despite Anwar’s professed Islamic credentials, segments of the Chinese community appear to support him, something he for the moment appreciates and needs. His true intentions remain opaque to most, known perhaps only to Washington and to select elite Chinese figures aligned with these churches, the Democratic Action Party (DAP), and influential Chinese business chambers. Even within the DAP the war councils are now debating where they ought to stand in light of Malay Muslim unease with his government.

Allegations of corruption have been around in Malaysia since and before its independence. The British goverened Malaysia using the gun and black money because of the nature of the local cultre, where it mattered especially amongst the Chinese. Those who they favoured like the Tiger Balm king (an opium smuggler) they turned a blind eye to in order to seek his support when dealing with Triads and Communists. That culture has permeated every government in Malaysia and even the USA, the UK and Australia. Evidence of this institutionalized corruption emerged spectacularly in the Iran Contra Affair more reccently in the Epstein affair now consuming every Western nation including the British Royal family to its core. So why is corruption without any proof in Malaysia capable of sustaining a conviction, shaking the nation to the point of talk of a coup?

THE RISK OF RACIAL VIOLENCE IS REAL

The risk of violence lingers. Malaysia’s restive Muslim youth, particularly in Islamist circles, have quietly mobilized to hold politicians, including Anwar, to longstanding pledges of advancing Malay and Islamic interests promised since independence. Any perceived betrayal such as throuugh diluting their constitutional rights to favour the Chinese orf Americans could prove combustible and fatal to Anwar’s chances of holding on to government.

Meanwhile, remnants of the old guard, factions linked to Mahathir and Daim Zainuddin, retain deep entrenched loyalties within the civil service, police, and armed forces. The enduring influence of the Ismail family, bolstered by familial ties (including through Tun Mahathir’s wife Tun Siti Hasmah, a descendant of that lineage), continues to exert significant pull within military and security institutions.

There is disquiet within the Malay communities since publication of a US think tank paper in 2022 which identified a growing trend of successful proselytization by Evangelical churches operating covertly amongst Malaysia’s middle class Malays and its foreign educated youth from Islam to Evangelical Christianity.

In sum, Malaysia’s political landscape remains fraught with competing ethnic, religious, and external pressures. The specter of instability endures, even as Anwar navigates these crosscurrents.