I continue to work on handwriting because so many of my colleagues have assured me that it will unlock my inner creativity (or something). It’s mostly just fun, but sometimes when traveling I lean a bit more heavily on my notebook for notes on ongoing research.

Below are my notes from the last week or so on the revisions to my oil, photography, and archaeology book:
### #124 — 3 March 2026
I’m ankle deep in revisions on my Bakken book and trying to come up with a way to systematically address reviewers’ comments and bring in some recent and adjacent scholarship (e.g. #124).
One thing that is haunting me is that I need to incorporate a chapter (appendix?) that outlines our conclusions (and observations) after a decade of work in the Bakken.
This chapter could appear after chapter 1, or more loosely draw heavily on our previous publications.
My current vision for it would be to organize it around 3 small chapters, lets or sections. The first section would introduce our typology and describe in greater detail what the three kinds of camps (and their sub-types) looked like.
—
## p.164
The second part would be an interpretation of their organization and materiality — i.e. what kinds of things appeared in and around these camps and how did the speak to the needs, aspirations and limits of the residents and camp owners.
The third section would include a bit of a diachronic study which drew upon “Bakkenism” (that is “cruel optimism”) and the decline of camps as the boom settles down.
Part of me is tempted to dump all this stuff into Claude and ask it to write a draft or propose an outline, BUT it is probably best that I just do it…
### #125 — 7 March 2026
I’m in Ft. Myers today and on my walk this morning I decided — more or less — to write an appendix to my book that basically describes the research outcome of my project in the Bakken. [This is a revision of the plan outlined in note #124.]
The appendix will become a pendant to the appendix in *Bakken Babylon*. As such it will give me two appendices that offer different perspectives on the oilpatch and reinforce the notion that the book can support a plurality of interpretations.
The new appendix would begin at the level of the landscape and situate the work force housing sites in the larger Bakken region.
—
## p.165
It will also allow us to discuss the Bakken as a periphery (in Wallersteinian sense) and to introduce the concept of the development of underdevelopment that was so important in our early work.
The section on landscape will situate camps both along the major thoroughfares through the region — Rt. 2 and 85 — as well as in more “peripheral” locations from Alexander to Wheelock, Arnegard, Epping and the little “detached” camp between Minot and Tioga. The type-3 camp nestled in a shelterbelt will be a nice concluding example.
The next section will discuss camps as camps. It will introduce the typology and the logic behind it as well as some intriguing edge cases. This will allow us to discuss the various affordances permitted by dint of the camp infrastructure.
Camps like the large Target logistic camp at Tioga features sewage treatment, for example. The Fisher — Type 2 camp — was “dry” without water or sewage but with electricity. Various other Type 2 camps offered a range of amenities, from wifi to laundry, child care and varying levels of security.
Type 2 camps also seem to have had a greater degree of social cohesion. Type-1 camps seemed to offer the greatest degree of social cohesion — these are ethnographic parallels that can make up for our small sample size.
—
## p.166
The final section will focus on “units” particularly in Type-2 camps. Here we’ll describe the standard characteristics of the form: mud rooms, insulation, outdoor appliances, gardens and p-the ways, social spaces etc. will be the most straightforward.
The conclusion of the chapter will address change over time, with the various fates of Type 2 and Type 1 camps.
### #126 — 8 March 2026
The appendix to my book described in #125 has three parts. The first part, which I am brainstorming here, will focus on the settlement landscape associated with the boom.
It seems to me that there are four types of man camp location. The most visible and expensive exist along major thoroughfares with Route 2 and Route 85 marking the major alignment of camps.
The second most significant influence on the location of camps in towns and cities, with Williston and Watford City attracting large numbers of camps. Of course these cities are on thoroughfares. Tioga, Stanley, Ray, Killdeer, and Arnegard also attracted camps owing to their location along major routes but also because certain towns — Tioga, Watford, Stanley etc. — have both amenities and infrastructure as well as oil field service and other companies.
—
## p.167
The third area that attracted camps are abandoned towns: Wheelock being the most obvious (also perhaps Corinth?). [What the name of the town where we got Fatty melts].
Several under populated small towns such as Epping and Alexander hosted workforce housing sites.
Finally, the fourth location is nearly random — note the large camp near Alexander. These are the most difficult for us to locate and study. Maybe the indoor RV park qualifying? Or were these two camps simply on the periphery of nodes.
It is likely worth describing the development of camps at the intersection on RT 85 and the extension course of RT 2 (?) south of Williston where several large camps aggregated to create a massive temporary settlement.
N.B. Our work did not seek to produce an exhaustive catalogue of camps — although the state sought to create such — but a representative sample of the kinds of work force housing sites in the region.
Maybe highlight 10 camps on thoroughfares: Capital Lodge (?) and McIll(?) or the Target logistics because a very visible camp or “stakeable.”
New cities: Target logistics near Williston, Abandoned America camp near Watford; various camps near Watford.
Abandoned towns: Wheelock and near Alexander. (Was there a camp near Epping?)
—
## p.168
### #127 — 10 March 2026
On my run this morning I began to think through the second part of the appendix that describes our findings in the Bakken.
The first part considered the location of the camps in the regional landscape. The second section will consider the organization of the camps themselves.
The key organizing concept that dictates the structure of the camps was centralization.
The Type 1 camps were the most centralized. They had central dining, exercise and socializing areas. Residents had individual rooms which were much like small hotel rooms.
Type 2 camps were organized around utilities infrastructure. In the case of sewage, for example, this was centralized in a common septic system. Electric and water would have entered the camp at a central point and then flow to individual lots and units.
Each unit housed space for sleeping, cooking, and socializing — as well as space for storage and parking.
—
## p.169
Type 3 camps were largely decentralized. People in these camps tended to self organize in ways that are practical to its residents. The absence of central spaces, infrastructure, or utilities obviated the need for any externally imposed organization.
The lack of examples of Type 3 camps is a problem, of course. BUT I suspect I think I can put Wheelock into this category as well as the venerable Idaho camp in the line outside of Tioga.






